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iTictiou, Irtct, aub Joncij Scries 

Edited by Arthur Stedman 



Writings of Columbus 



-fiction, JTact, onb lam]} Scvks. 



MERRY TALES. 



By Mark Twain. 



THE GERMAN EMPEROR AND HIS EASTERN 
NEIGHBORS. 

By Poultney Bigelow. 

PADDLES AND POLITICS DOWN THE 
DANUBE. 

By Poultney Bigelow. 



SELECTED POEMS. 

By Walt Whitman. 



AUTOBIOGRAPHIA: THE STORY OF A LIFE. 
By Walt Whitman. 



DON FINIMONDONE: CALABRIAN 
SKETCHES. 

By Elisabeth Cavazza. 

THE MASTER OF SILENCE: A ROMANCE. 
By Irving Bacheller. 

WRITINGS OF COLUMBUS. 

Edited by Paul Leicester Ford. 

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•?. A ST 

J>\ M y 



afan-R-E^^y 



After a Supposed Portrait by B. V. la Grabo. 



writings of 
Christopher Columbus 

DESCRIPTIVE OF 

THE DISCOVERY AND OCCUPATION 
OF THE NEW WORLD 



%^ 



EUITEDryiTH|(VN INTRODUCTION, 

PAUL LSCBSTER FORD 




CHARLES L. \\^:i?grER & CO. 




Copyright, i8g2, 
CHARLES L. WEBSTER & CO. 

{All rights reserved.^ 






PRESS OF 

Jenkins & McCowan, 

NEW YORK. 



TO 

E. W. BLATCHFORD 

OF CHICAGO 

AS A TRIBUTE OF RESPECT BOTH TO HIMSELF 

AND TO HIS CITY 

SO APPROPRIATELY AND NOBLY 

COMMEMORATING 

CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS 

THIS SMALLER MEMORIAL 
IS DEDICATED 



CONTENTS 



PAGE 

Introduction u 

Letter to Ferdinand and Isabella 26 

Letter to Raphael Sanchez 33 

Letter to Luis de Santangel 52 

Letter to Ferdinand and Isabella 67 

Privileges of Columbus 75 

Deed of Entail §3 

Letter to Ferdinand and Isabella 105 

Letter to Juana de la Torres 151 

Privileges of Columbus 177 

Letter to Ferdinand and Isabella 199 

Will of Columbus 240 




INTRODUCTION 



In the four centuries which have elapsed since Chris- 
topher Columbus sailed his caravels to the westward in 
search of the Indies, and found in their stead a new 
world, two factions have developed, holding antago- 
nistic opinions regarding his personality and achieve- 
ments. The one, regardless of flaws in his character 
and methods, seeks his canonization from the great 
Church of which he was so ardent a follower; claiming 
that the conception, accomplishment, and results of 
his great discovery entitle him to a place among those 
whom reverent mankind must worship, as guided by 
more than earthly and human inspiration. The other, 
losing all breadth of view in the minuteness of its in- 
vestigation of his life and works, finds him a vain, igno- 
rant, and even half-mad enthusiast, his claim of Bib- 
lical prophecy and inspiration from the Trinity little 
better than blasphemy, his great act based on ignorance 
and error, and the result nothing but a lucky chance. 
Nor need these views occasion surprise. Such opposite 
opinions of the same person are not uncommon either 
of those who have made or are making history. As 
long as there are two ends to our mental opera-glass 
we shall have varying ideas of the magnitude of men 
and deeds, depending on whether the magnifying or di- 
minishing view is taken. The matter for surprise is that 
each faction— the "big Endians and the little Endians " 
II 



12 INTRODUCTION 

— should not realize that there are two ends; that a 
man, as well as a statue, can be regarded from above as 
well as below, and that though the two impressions are 
very different, yet the man is the same; that the two, 
or many views must be combined to produce a true 
whole, and that either by itself is misleading and un- 
truthful. Thus in the life of Columbus there is much 
to sustain both factions, yet the view of each conveys 
a false result. To critically discuss the basis for these 
two extremes is neither possible nor desirable here. 
But a few words as to how far we are indebted to 
Columbus for the discovery of the western world will 
serve to indicate the great truths in both points of 
view, as well as their wrong impression. 

The theory of the rotundity of the earth naturally 
carried with it the corollary that, by sailing westward 
across the Atlantic, land would eventually be reached 
in the east, and this opinion was therefore held by 
Aristotle, Pliny, Marinus, Strabo, and other ancient 
writers. But this knowledge, except as a theory, was 
of no value. To Greece or Rome the eastern trade was 
too small and too easily conducted to tempt explora- 
tions of new routes for it. Nor did suggestions of un- 
known lands beyond the western limits of Europe 
arouse curiosity or desire to explore them. In vain did 
Theopompus, four centuries before Christ, and after 
him Virgil, Plato, Aristotle, Seneca, and many others, 
write of such. Europe itself was too new and had too 
little energy to spare, to undertake the mere verifica- 
tion of what at best were mere theories. Before Sene- 
ca's marvelous prophecy that " there will come an age 
in which Ocean shall loosen the bands of things; a 



INTRODUCTION I 3 

great country shall be discovered . . . and Thule shall 
no longer be the extremity of the earth," could be more 
than a prediction, population or trade must press for 
new outlets. Barring accidents, on these causes de- 
pended the nature of the exploration of the Atlantic, 
Should population first crowd, the mythical lands would 
be first sought. Should trade need new routes, then 
Europe would seek them in the vast unknown waters 
beyond the Pillars of Hercules. Till in want of one or 
the other, the opinions and hypotheses of these writers 
would be but interesting speculations for the learned; 
not matters for practical men to waste time on. Yet, 
if the early hypotheses produced no direct results, they 
nevertheless became later of much importance, for the 
respect given to the classic writers induced many to 
accept their opinions, who would not have been con- 
vinced by the more practical evidence which later times 
produced. 

For over a thousand years Europe was busied with 
the work of settling, holding, and consolidating its ter- 
ritories into countries strong enough to insure both 
self-preservation and progress. And this process in- 
volved a destruction of population that prevented all 
necessity for new lands. Had the exploration of the 
Atlantic depended on this alone it is probable that the 
western continents would have remained unexplored at 
least two centuries longer. While Europe, however, 
felt no pressure of population and therefore gave no 
heed to the tales and prophecies of unknown lands, the 
other theory, of reaching the east by sailing westward, 
became, by circumstances, of more importance. From 
the earliest time a trade had been carried on between 



14 lN'rR(MHK^'nON 

Eiirc^pe and Asia. 1 Hiring the semi-barbaric and feudal 
times which succeeded the Roman empire this was of 
especial \alue to the former, for the peace and knowl- 
edge needed for arts and manufactures were slow to 
come, and it turned to the older civilization for them, 
sending in exchange such few things as it possessed 
that Asia wanted, and eking out its balances with gold 
and silver. So steadily had these been drained away 
from Europe during these stormy centuries that Asia 
was termed by it " the Golden East." The trade with 
this land of jewels, precious metals, wondrous fabrics. 
and spices, was the most profitable of the time, and 
enriched the centres of distribution to a marvelous de- 
gree. First Constantinople, then Amalfi, and finally 
Venice and Genoa, became rich and great by it. The 
recites through the Black Sea, Persian Gulf, and Red 
Sea, though involving caravans and transshipment, were 
sufficient; and from the Mediterranean the products 
were distributed over Europe with ease. Europe stood 
with its back to the west. All the interest and thought 
it could spare from its own concerns were centered 
in the east, and but for an accident would have so 
continued for an indefinite time. Yet so curiously are 
causes and effects blended that it was this very concen- 
tration and intensity of interest that eventually led to 
the exploration of the great west. 

The cause for this apparent contradiction is clear 
and obvious. In the ninth century, a new element 
entered into the problem of barter between the civilized 
east and the fast civilizing west. Between these two, 
and walling them from each other, the barbaric Turk 
threw himself. Across the caravan routes of Asia 



IN'I'RODdCrFON 15 

Minor, Arabia, Palestine, aiul K^ypt he pushed his 
hordes. The trade was Uk) valLiai;Ie to Europe to be 
yield .d without a struggle, lujr four hundred years, 
with a curious, perliaps unconscious, combination of 
religion and pelf, it struggled by the crusades to crush 
this menace. In vain. vSlowly but surely, the trade 
was throttled. And these very crusades stimulated the 
demand for eastern goods, for it familiarized the more 
extreme and northern nati(;ns of Europe with them. So 
strong difl this (h-niaiid become, that, force having been 
tried in vain, even religion was sacrihced, and the Pope 
gave dispensations which allowed Christian nations to 
make treaties and leagues with the hated Mohamme- 
dans, Even this availed not to preserve the trade. On 
land the Turk could not maintain order enough to 
make caravan trading other than a most hazardous 
venture, and 'J'urkish pirates .scoured the eastern end 
of the Mediterranean, capturing without heed of treaty. 
a Europe wished the products of the east, it must fmd 
new routes for them. 

This turned European thought in new directions, 
anfl set it considering and discussing the Atlantic, 
The old writers were studied and quoted. New ones 
added their opinions, and the few facts that had been 
learned in the intervening time. The growth of inter- 
est in the east had led to occasional travelers visiting 
that region, and thus a very fair knowledge, for the 
times, of the extent of it had been obtained. Some- 
thing, too, had been learned ot the eastern coast of 
upper Africa, The problem was to learn whether it 
was shorter to circumnavigate Africa, and so reach the 
indies, ov U) sail directly westward. This practically 



l6 ^ INTRODUCTION 

depended on the size of the earth and on the extent of 
southern Africa, and as to both, ancient and modern 
philosophers differed. Except as an opinion, no con- 
clusion could be reached without actual experiment. 
The nations most likely to attempt this were the Italian 
republics, which so greatly profited by this trade; but 
they clung to the old and accustomed routes to the 
last, not being able to read the handwriting on the wall. 
Nor did the northern nations, hardy and venturesome 
as their sailors were, make the endeavor. Furthest 
from the east, the benefits of the trade to them were 
too slight to be appreciated. But midway between 
these, the nations of the Spanish peninsula, facing both 
east and west, and seeing the richness of the oriental 
trade, yet only seeing it, were, a priori, the countries to 
seek for new routes to ' ' far Cathay. " And so it proved. 

With the small ships, and the imperfect means of 
navigation, the African route was almost certain to be 
the first attempted, as allowing the ships to hug the 
land. And to this Portugal turned her energies. Ex- 
pedition after expedition crept down that coast, every 
few years going a little further than before; till it be- 
came evident that that route was far longer than had 
been hoped, and the question of a possibly shorter one 
directly across the Atlantic became more important. 
Disappointed, yet not despairing, Portugal clung to 
the former, and so to Spain fell the honor of exploring 
the latter. 

The man to act for Spain was singularly fitted for 
the work. Columbus, though calling himself " an ig- 
norant man," had just the needed knowledge. Born 
in Genoa, his attention could not be otherwise than 



INTRODUCTION 1/ 

attracted to the Indies, and to the valuable trade with 
them which made the little republic a power. Whether 
he ever was at the University of Pavia has been ques- 
tioned, on grounds that seem altogether insufficient, as 
they consist only of his extreme youth, entirely ignoring 
the precocity of the southern nations, and the early 
age at which lads were then thrown out in the world. 
Certain it is that later we find him with a good knowl- 
edge of Latin and a reader of books, so that such aid 
as was to be found in the learning of his time was not 
barred to him as it was to many of that day. At 
fourteen he turned mariner, as was natural to a Genoese, 
and, to use his own words, " followed the seas for 
twenty-three years without being on shore any space of 
time worth accounting." Before 1492, he had been to 
the Grecian Archipelago, Guinea, the Canaries, Eng- 
land, and Iceland, and indeed he claimed to have seen 
all the East and West, and that " wherever ship had 
sailed, there have I journeyed." Without entirely 
abandoning the sea he then became a map-maker, and 
to such it seems scarcely possible that the theory of a 
westward sailing should not have occurred, even if no 
ancient writer had taught it, and if it had not been a 
matter of constant and growing discussion. Thus a 
man of bold disposition-, good mind, and education, 
with practical sea and cartographic knowledge, and 
withal an enthusiast, was ready to act at the time that 
Europe's interest in the east forced her at last to turn 
westward. That he had to beg and plead with differ- 
ent countries proves that he, like most men of single 
ideas, was in advance of the world's progress. That he 
offered his services to Genoa and Venice, though denied 



l8 INTRODUCTION 

by many modern writers, on purely negative evidence, 
is so natural as to be well-nigh certain. The evident 
cause for their refusals has already been indicated. So, 
too, has Portugal's reason for declining his offer. And 
so, the " Most Christian, High, Excellent, and Power- 
ful Princes, King and Queen of Spain and of the 
Islands of the Sea ... in consequence of the infor- 
mation which I had given your Highnesses respecting 
the countries of India . . . determined to send me, 
Christopher Columbus, to the above mentioned coun- 
tries, . . . and furthermore directed that I shall not 
proceed by land to the east, as is customary, but by a 
westerly route." And sailing from Palos on Aug. 3, 
1492, he found, not a trade route to the Indies, but a 
new world. 

The question whether Columbus first discovered this 
world has been an endless and decidedly amusing bone 
of contention among historians and pseudo-historians. 
Every myth or shadowy suggestion of a possible pre- 
Columbian finding of America has been brought for- 
ward, regardless of the basis for the claim. From al- 
most every nation of Europe and Asia a pretender for 
the discovery has been exploited by some would-be 
historian and these have been soberly discussed even 
by more judicious writers, with much inevitable befog- 
ging of the whole question. Not till the unproved and 
non - disprovable stories of the Egyptian, Arabian, 
Phoenician, Tartar, Chinese, Irish, Welsh, Venetian, 
Portuguese, and Polish discoveries of the new world 
are dismissed into the lumber-room of history, can the 
true value of pre-Columbian progress toward the find- 
ing of the new world be realized by any but specialists. 



INTRODUCTION I9 

Rejecting them, certain facts stand forth with clear- 
ness. 

The first of these is the Norse finding and attempted 
occupation of America. Few historical facts deserve 
more credence. Unimpeachable records show that in 
the seventh century political refugees from Norway 
occupied Iceland. In the next century, by chance, 
Greenland was found and colonized; and in the ninth 
century, again by chance, the American continent was 
stumbled upon. Settlements were attempted, but in 
vain. Europe had too little need for new countries, 
and too much need for men, to spare enough for them 
to hold their own against the natives. For three hun- 
dred years occasional voyages were made to the coast, 
and the settlement at Greenland outlasted even these; 
not being crushed till the century in which the new 
world was found by the. Spaniards. 

No such records exist concerning any other accidental 
finding of America, yet from certain data of equal 
credibility, the proof that various parts of the western 
islands and continents were occasionally sighted by 
stray ships, is so strong that the evidence should be 
sufficient to prove the claim in a court of justice. His- 
torians, for the most part, and the biographers of Co- 
lumbus, have denied this, basing their denials on the 
absence of records of such. It is true that, so far as 
we know, no books or chronicles of the fourteenth or 
fifteenth centuries contain mention of such voyages. 
But this is purely negative testimony, and is not the 
evidence to cite. With hardly an exception, the writers 
of that time were secluded in the walls of monasteries, 
out of touch with the busy world, and shut off from 



20 INTRODUCTION 

and even despising current and mundane news. As 
soon expect to find references to voyages and strange 
lands in their writings, as the latest stock quotations 
in the modern university or cathedral. On the wharves 
of commercial cities, and in the caracks and caravels 
that lay beside them, was where the news of unknown 
lands was to be heard. Here the air was full of stories 
and rumors, which have left so strong an atmosphere 
of knowledge of western lands, that it has given pause 
even to the most ardent believers in the priority of the 
discovery of Columbus, and has driven them to con- 
fess that stories of western lands were "in the air" 
long before Columbus sailed, but they claim that the 
only basis for these rumors and stories was mari- 
ners' yarns, imaginings, and deceptions. Were this 
atmosphere the only proof, their assertions might be 
granted, as these sailors' tales found no chronicler to 
verify and preserve them. But they come down to us 
in another form, which cannot be dismissed so easily, 
and which as yet seems by far too little studied and 
appreciated — the evidence of the cartography of those 
centuries. 

The map-maker of that time stands on a plane with, 
yet apart from, his fellow-scholars, being the only 
branch which was called upon to keep down to date. 
A man of learning, he was, as well, one who had usually 
commanded or sailed in ships, and he lived in the sea- 
port towns where he could find a sale for his charts, 
and obtain the latest facts of geographical discovery. 
The more lands he could map accurately, the greater 
his repute, and the larger his profits. That this would 
make him careful and painstaking was certain. Con- 



INTRODUCTION 21 

structing maps by which vessels were to be navigated, 
he would not idly enter lands to obstruct routes, nor 
would he omit from his chart any reported on good 
evidence lest he should cast ships away on them. Of 
his superior information on this subject to his contem- 
poraries, it is enough to cite that he accurately mapped 
the Canaries, Madeira, and the Azores, respectively 
ninety-six, fifty-one, and ninety-eight years before those 
islands were discovered by the Portuguese. The most 
accurate and careful maps of to-day are the Admiralty 
and Coast Survey charts, and this was equally true of 
the maps of five hundred years ago. Their evidence 
cannot be omitted in the history of the discovery of 
America. 

The persistence with which lands unknown to the 
learned of Europe were entered on the maps of the 
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries is really remarkable. 
In the few maps that have been preserved to us, no less 
than twenty-seven, made between 1351 and 1492, by dif- 
ferent geographers working in different cities of Europe, 
locate islands or masses of land in the western Atlantic, 
of which no account or mention is to be found in the 
writings of the same time. Varying in size and spell- 
ing, Greenland, Brazil, Antilia, St. Brandan, Roillo, 
Satanaxio, Sete Zitade, Saliroza, and others, are given. 
Sometimes only one is included; sometimes several. 
That their relative positions were varied on different 
maps and that different names were given to the same 
lands, has been cited as evidence that they were the 
mere coinings of the different draftsmen's imagination. 
But the purpose of these maps, as already shown, 
proves the unlikelihood of this. And this very contra- 



22 INTRODUCTION 

diction really increases the proof of their reality, for 
had they been only inventions, it is obvious that their 
positions would have remained unchanged from the 
places assigned them by their inventor, while it is evi- 
dent that each mariner who reported a land- fall to 
westward would give it a name and report the latitude. 
And it is not strange that, unacquainted with the fact 
that two continents with thousands of miles of coast 
existed, the map-makers should move these islands up 
and down in the Atlantic, and confuse names in the 
attempt to harmonize and reduce these reports to car- 
tography. Of the sailors' faith in the truth of these 
maps, it is enough to mention that the chart by which 
Columbus sailed in his first voyage included some of 
these islands; and that he believed them well-established 
facts is shown by his narrative of this voyage, in which 
he several times speaks of them. Even after the find- 
ing by Columbus, and the then rapid exploration of 
the coast, it was many years before America was not 
usually mapped as a series of islands, often varying in 
name, each of which represented a stretch of territory 
described by some explorer or explorers, and which the 
ignorance of the times prevented uniting into one con- 
tinuous coast-line. 

That these pre-Columbian land-falls produced no 
stir or results has been urged as a reason for their never 
having been made. The cause is clear. Europe did 
not want new lands and cared nothing for them. 
Many of the sailors' stories, though believed by their 
fellow-mariners and map-makers, received no credence 
from courts or colleges. Even a monarch so interested 
and learned in geographical discovery as John of 



INTRODUCTION 23 

Portugal, refused to believe the finding of new lands by- 
Columbus, till he was shown the natives and found 
them a race hitherto unknown. The failure of the 
Norsemen, a nation of seamen and possessing the 
shortest route to America, to take advantage of their 
knowledge, proves how valueless these discoveries 
were then considered. For nearly two hundred years 
after America was known, only deportations, greed 
of gold, or political or religious persecutions could 
force the peoples of the old world to migrate to 
the new. That the voyage of Columbus produced 
more results than these other accidental findings was 
due to three causes: i. That it was made under the 
patronage of a court which anthenticated, advertised, 
and shared the glory of the discovery. 2. That for 
many years the lands found were believed to be the 
East Indies, in which Europe was greatly interested. 3. 
That Columbus on his return reported vast mines of 
gold, thereby inciting many to journey westward. 

That the discovery of America by Columbus was as 
accidental as those of the Norsemen or the unrecorded 
findings, and that he died ignorant of the fact that he 
had found a new world, are urged by many as militat- 
ing against, if not depriving him of, the claim to its 
honor. Such arguments entirely overlook the fact 
that Columbus was the first purposely to attempt the 
exploration of the western Atlantic, and that whatever 
results this exploration produced are due to him. Nor 
are the great results the only honor that must be ac- 
corded him. A man who, for twenty years brooded on 
a great and useful idea, who battled with all forms of 
human opposition to that idea, and who risked his life 



24 INTRODUCTION 

in unknown lands and waters in leaky and unfit ships, 
with untrustworthy subordinates, to prove that idea — 
even if we find him boasting vainly of his great deeds, 
or whining in humiliation and chains — must challenge 
the admiration of the world, as an advanced thinker 
and a brave man. The defects delighted in by his 
"critical" biographers and commentators undoubt- 
edly existed, he being human. But self-interest and 
self-esteem are not such rare qualities as to form arti- 
cles of impeachment against the men who have cor- 
respondingly great merits. Other faults were those of 
his generation. To animadvert on his claim of divine 
inspiration for his westward sailing; on his belief that 
he had discovered the locality of the Garden of Eden; 
on his theory of a pear-shaped world; on his eager 
searches for gold; on his proposed enslavement of the 
aborigines, and on his bastard child and its mother, is 
anything but " critical," for it is projecting the atmos- 
phere and views of the skeptical, Protestant, nineteenth 
century, into the believing, Catholic, fifteenth century. 
The best antidote to these views, the editor believes, 
is to be found in the writings of Columbus. Only 
fragments, with wide gaps and breaks, due to loss and 
destruction, they nevertheless show, as nothing else 
can show, the thoughts, acts, and desires of the man. 
He himself once entreated, little recking that it would be 
equally necessary nearly four hundred years later, that 
" I must be re-established in reputation, and spoken 
of throughout the universe: for the things I have done 
are such, that they must gain, day by day, in the esti- 
mation of mankind." If this little volume contributes 
at all to that wish, the purpose of its editor has been 
accomplished. Paul Leicester Ford. 



Writings of Columbus 



LETTER TO FERDINAND AND 
ISABELLA* 

IN the name of our Lord Jesus Christ. 
Whereas, Most Christian, High, Excel- 
lent and Powerful Princes, King and Queen of 
Spain and of the Islands of the Sea, our Sover- 
eigns, this present year, 1492, after your High- 
nesses had terminated the war with the Moors 

* This narrative of the first voyage of Columbus is usually 
quoted by historians as his " Journal," and they deplore 
the loss of the letter he wrote to the King and Queen of 
Spain recounting his discoveries. But a very superficial 
study of it must convince anyone, from the use of the per- 
sonal pronoun, that this is that letter, and not a journal, 
though Columbus adopted the diary form in writing it. 
Unfortunately, only an abstract of the original, made by 
Las Casas, is known to us, and he so changed and abbre- 
viated the words of Columbus, that the bulk of it is in no 
sense the latter's writing. The preamble, however, Las 
Casas copied entire, so it is here printed. This portion of 
the letter was probably written the day before his sailing 
from Palos, Aug. 3, 1492. The translation is by Samuel 
Kettell, printed in his Personal Narrative of the First Voyage 
of Columbus, . . . Boston, 1 82 7. The original text is in 
Navarrete's Coleccion de los Viagcs, . . . Madrid, 1825. 
27 



28 LETTER TO 

reigning in Europe, the same having been 
brought to an end in the great city of Gra- 
nada, where, on the second day of January, 
this present year, I saw the royal banners 
upon the towers of the Alhambra, which is 
the fortress of that city, and saw the Moorish 
king come out at the gate of the city and kiss 
the hand of your Highnesses, and of the 
Prince, my Sovereign; and in the present 
month, in consequence of the information 
which I had given your Highnesses respecting 
the countries of India and of a Prince called 
Great Can,"^' which in our language signifies 
King of Kings, how, at many times, he and his 
predecessors had sent to Rome soliciting in- 
structors who might teach him our holy faith, 
and the holy Father had never granted his re- 
quest, whereby great numbers of people were 
lost, believing in idolatry and doctrines of 
perdition. Your Highnesses, as Catholic 

*This refers to Kooblai Khan, the great founder of the 
Mongol empire. Marco Polo had exploited his personality, 
wealth, and empire, to Europe, a century before, and Eu- 
rope persistently kept him alive for long after even this 
period. 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 29 

Christians, and princes who love and promote 
the holy Christian faith, and are enemies of 
the doctrine of Mahomet, and of all idolatry 
and heresy, determined to send me, Christo- 
pher Columbus, to the above - mentioned 
countries of India, to see the said princes, 
people and territories, and to learn their dis- 
position and the proper method of converting 
them to our holy faith; and, furthermore, di- 
rected that I should not proceed by land to 
the East, as is customary, but by a Westerly 
route, in which direction we have hitherto no 
certain evidence that any one has gone. So, 
after having expelled the Jews from your do- 
minions, your Highnesses, in the same month 
of January, ordered me to proceed, with a 
sufficient armament, to the said regions of 
India, and for that purpose granted me great 
favors, and ennobled me that thenceforth I 
might call myself Don, and be High Admiral 
of the Sea, and perpetual Viceroy and Gov- 
ernor in all the islands and continents which I 
might discover and acquire, or which may 
hereafter be discovered and acquired in the 



30 LETTER TO 

ocean; and that this dignity should be inher- 
ited by my eldest son, and thus descend from 
degree to degree forever. Hereupon I left the 
city of Granada, on Saturday, the twelfth day 
of May, 1492, and proceeded to Palos, a sea- 
port, where I armed three vessels, very fit for 
such an enterprise^ and having provided my- 
self with abundance of stores and seamen, t I 
set sail from the port, on Friday, the third 
of August, half an hour before sunrise, and 
steered for the Canary Islands of your High- 
nesses, which are in the said ocean, thence to 
take my departure and proceed till I arrived 
at the Indies, and perform the embassy of 
•your Highnesses to the Princes J there, and 



* These were the Santa Maria, Pinta and Nina. Colum- 
bus's opinion of their fitness very quickly changed after he 
got to sea. Unlike the Portuguese caravels, the Spanish 
caravels were square rigged, and with the high bows and 
poops of those days they were practically incapable of 
beating to windvvrard. His largest ship, too, was a very 
dull sailor, and all three leaked so as hardly to be safe. 

f There is much contradictory evidence as to how many 
men sailed with Columbus, but probably Peter Martyr's 
statement of two hundred and ten is the most reliable. 

:}:The monarchs had given him a letter in blank to them, 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 3I 

discharge the orders given me. For this pur- 
pose I determined to keep an account of the 
voyage, and to write down punctually every 
thing we performed or saw from day to day, 
as will hereafter appear. Moreover, Sovereign 
Princes, besides describing every night the 
occurrences of the day, and every day those 
of the preceding night, I intend to draw up a 
nautical chart, which shall contain the several 
parts of the ocean and land in their proper 
situations; and also to compose a book to 
represent the whole by picture with latitudes 
and longitudes, on all which accounts it be- 
hoves me to abstain from my sleep, and make 
many trials in navigation, which things will 
demand much labor. ^ 

which is printed in Vol. I. of the Calendar of State Papers 
Relating to England and Spain. 

*On his return from his first voyage Columbus gave 
this to the Queen, who wrote him in September, 1493: 
" By this courier I send you a copy of the book which you 
left here. The reason of its being so long delayed, was to 
have it written out secretly, in order that neither the 
Portuguese who are here, nor any other person, might 
know anything of it. And for that purpose, that it might 
be more quickly finished, you will perceive that it is in 



32 LETTER TO 

two different handwritings. Certainly, according to what 
has been here seen and treated of respecting this affair, we 
perceive every day, more and more, its great weight and 
importance. If the sailing chart which you were to pre- 
pare is finished, send it to me immediately." 



RAPHAEL SANCHEZ 33 



LETTER TO RAPHAEL SANCHEZ* 

Letter addressed to the noble Lord Raphael Sanchez, 
Treasurer to their most invincible Majesties, Ferdi- 
nand and Isabella, King and Queen of Spain, by Chris- 
topher Columbus, to whom our age is greatly indebted, 
treating of the islands of India recently discovered be- 
yond the Ganges, to explore which he had been sent 
eight months before under the auspices and at the ex- 
pense of their said Majesties, which the noble and 
learned man, Aliander de Cosco, translated from the 
Spanish idiom into Latin the third day of the calends 
of May, 1493. The year One of the Pontificate of Al- 
exander VI. 

TV^ NOWING that it will afford you pleasure 
-^^ to learn that I have brought my under- 
taking to a successful termination, I have de- 
cided upon writing you this letter to acquaint 
you with all the events which have occurred in 

* This letter, which is that which announced to Europe 
the discovery of Columbus, is unknown in the Spanish 
original. A copy of it was soon in Rome, and was there 
translated into Latin by Leander de Cosco, and in that lan- 
guage was many times reprinted in different parts of Eu- 
rope. From this fact it is probable that it was received 



34 LETTER TO 

my voyage, and the discoveries which have 
resulted from it. Thirty-three days"^ after my 
departure from Cadiz I reached the Indian sea,t 
where I discovered many islands, thickly peo- 
pled, of which I took possession without re- 
sistance, in the name of our most illustrious 
Monarch, by public proclamation and with 
unfurled banners. To the first of these islands, 



by its recipient before the one Columbus addressed to San- 
tangel, which I therefore place after this, though it is the 
far preferable account, as being translated directl}^ from 
Columbus's words, instead of being a translation of a trans- 
lation. The English translation is by R. H. Major, printed 
in his Select Letters of Christopher Cohwibus, . . . London, 
1847. The original text is Epistola Christofori Colofn. . . 
[J^ome] Mail. M. cccc. xciii. 

*This is an evident error, probably of the Latin transla- 
tor. Major concludes that it was the careless substitution 
of Gadibus (Latin for Cadiz) for Gomera, in the Cana- 
ries, which was the last land Columbus visited before he 
sailed westward, and from which he was thirty-five days 
in sighting land. But this required two errors, and it 
seems to the present editor more probable that Columbus 
was in Cadiz two days before leaving Palos, and that the 
error was merely a typographical one in printing the Ro- 
man numerals xxxiii in place of Lxxiii — an error far more 
likely to occur than the two changes of words involved in 
Major's explanation. 

f October 12th. 



RAPHAEL SANCHEZ 35 

which is called by the Indians Guanahani, I 
gave the name of the blessed Saviour (San 
Salvador), relying upon whose protection I 
had reached this as well as the other islands; 
to each of these I also gave a name, ordering 
that one should be called Santa Maria de la 
Concepcion,"^" another Fernandina,t the third 
Isabella,:]: the fourth Juana,§ and so with all 
the rest respectively. As soon as we arrived 
at that which I have said was named Juana, 
I proceeded along its coast a short distance 
westward, and found it to be so large and ap- 
parently without termination, that I could not 
suppose it to be an island, but the continental 
province of Cathay. Seeing, however, no 
towns or populous places on the sea-coast, but 
only a few detached houses and cottages, with 
whose inhabitants I was unable to communi- 
cate, because they fled as soon as they saw us, 
I went further on, thinking that in my progress 
I should certainly find some city or village. 
At length, after proceeding a great way, and 

* North Caico. X Great Inagua. 

f Little Inagua. § Cuba. 



36 LETTER TO 

finding that nothing new presented itself, and 
that the line of coast was leading us north- 
ward (which I wished to avoid, because it was 
winter, and it was my intention to move south- 
ward; and because, moreover, the winds were 
contrary), I resolved not to attempt any fur- 
ther progress, but rather to turn back and re- 
trace my course to a certain bay that I had 
observed, and from which I afterwards dis- 
patched two of our men to ascertain whether 
there were a king or any cities in that province. 
These men reconnoitred the country for three 
days, and found a most numerous population, 
and great numbers of houses, though small, 
and built without any regard to order: with 
which information they returned to us. In the 
meantime I had learned from some Indians 
whom I had seized, that that country was cer- 
tainly an island: and, therefore, I sailed toward 
the east, coasting to the distance of three hun- 
dred and twenty-two miles, which brought us 
to the extremity of it; from this point I saw 
lying eastward another island, fifty-four miles 
distant from Juana, to which I gave the name 



RAPHAEL SANCHEZ 37 

of Espanola:* I went thither, and steered my 
course eastward, as I had done at Juana, even 
to the distance of five hundred and sixty-four 
miles along the north coast. This said island 
of Juana is exceedingly fertile, as, indeed, are 
all the others; it is surrounded with many 
bays, spacious, very secure and surpassing any 
that I have ever seen; numerous large and 
healthful rivers intersect it, and it also contains 
many very lofty mountains. All these islands are 
very beautiful, and distinguished by a diversity 
of scenery; they are filled with a great variety 
of trees of immense height, and which I believe 
to retain their foliage in all seasons; for when 
I saw them they were as verdant and luxuri- 
ant as they usually are in Spain in the month 
of May — some of them were blossoming, some 
bearing fruit, and all flourishing in the greatest 
perfection, according to their respective stages 
of growth, and the nature and quality of each: 
yet the islands are not so thickly wooded as to 
be impassable. The nightingale and various 
birds were singing in countless numbers, and 

* Hispaniola, otherwise San Domingo or Hayti. 



38 LETTER TO 

that in November, the month in which I ar- 
rived there. There are, besides, in the same 
island of Juana, seven or eight kinds of palm- 
trees, which, like all the other trees, herbs and 
fruits, considerably surpass ours in height and 
beauty. The pines, also, are very handsome, 
and there are very extensive fields and mead- 
ows, a variety of birds, different kinds of 
honey, and many sorts of metals, but no iron. 
In that island, also, which I have before said 
we named Espanola, there are mountains of 
very great size and beauty, vast plains, groves, 
and very fruitful fields, admirably adapted 
for tillage, pasture and habitation. The con- 
venience and excellence of the harbors in this 
island, and the abundance of the rivers, so in- 
dispensable to the health of man, surpass any- 
thing that would be believed by one who had 
not seen it. The trees, herbage and fruits of 
Espanola are very different from those of Ju- 
ana, and, moreover, it abounds in various kinds 
of spices, gold and other metals. The inhab- 
itants of both sexes in this island, and in all 
the others which I have seen, or of which I 



RAniAEL SANCHEZ 39 

have received information, go always naked as 
they were born, with the exception of some of 
the women, who use the covering of a leaf, or 
small bough, or an apron of cotton, which 
they prepare for that purpose. None of them, 
as I have already said, are possessed of any 
iron, neither have they weapons, being unac- 
quainted with, and, indeed, incompetent to use 
them, not from any deformity of body (for they 
are well formed) but because they are timid 
and full of fear. They carry, however, in lieu 
of arms, canes dried in the sun, on the ends of 
which they fix heads of dried wood sharpened 
to a point, and even these they dare not use 
habitually; for it has often occurred, when I 
have sent two or three of my men to any of 
the villages to speak with the natives, that 
they have come out in a disorderly troop, and 
have fled in such haste at the approach of our 
men, that the fathers forsook their children 
and the children their fathers. This timidity 
did not arise from any loss or injury that they 
had received from us; for, on the contrary, I 
gave to all I approached whatever articles I 



40 LETTER TO 

had about me, such as cloth and many other 
things, taking nothing of theirs in return; but 
they are naturally timid and fearful. As soon, 
however, as they see that they are safe, and 
have laid aside all fear, the}^ are very simple 
and honest, and exceedingly liberal with all 
they have; none of them refusing anything he 
may possess when he is asked for it, but, on 
the contrary, inviting us to ask them. They 
exhibit great love toward all others in prefer- 
ence to themselves; they also give objects of 
great value for trifles, and content themselves 
with very little or nothing in return. I, how- 
ever, forbade that these trifles and articles of 
no value (such as pieces of dishes, plates and 
glass, keys and leather straps), should be given 
to them, although, if they could obtain them, 
they imagined themselves to be possessed of 
the most beautiful trinkets in the world. It 
even happened that a sailor received for a 
leather strap as much gold as was worth three 
golden nobles, and for things of more trifling 
value offered by our men, especially newly 
coined blancas, or any gold coins, the Indians 



RAPHAEL SANCHEZ 4I 

would give whatever the seller required; as, 
for instance, an ounce and a half or two ounces 
of gold, or thirty or forty pounds of cotton, 
with which commodity they were already ac- 
quainted. Thus they bartered, like idiots, cot- 
ton and gold for fragments of bows, glasses, 
bottles and jars; which I forbade as being un- 
just, and myself gave them many beautiful and 
acceptable articles which I had brought with 
me, taking nothing for them in return; I did 
this in order that I might the more easily con- 
ciliate them, that they might be led to become 
Christians, and be inclined to entertain a re- 
gard for the King and Queen, our Princes and 
all Spaniards, and that I might induce them 
to take an interest in seeking out and collect- 
ing and delivering to us such things as they 
possessed in abundance, but which we greatly 
needed. They practice no kind of idolatry, 
but have a firm belief that all strength and 
power, and, indeed, all good things, are in 
heaven, and that I had descended from thence 
with these ships and sailors, and under this 
impression was I received after they had 



42 LETTER TO 

thrown aside their fears. Nor are they slow 
or stupid, but of very clear understanding; 
and those men who have crossed to the neigh- 
boring islands give an admirable description 
of everything they observed; but they never 
saw any people clothed, nor any ships like 
ours. On my arrival at that sea I had 
taken some Indians by force from the first 
island that I came to, in order that they might 
learn our language, and communicate to us 
what they knew respecting the country; which 
plan succeeded excellently, and was a great 
advantage to us, for in a short time, either by 
gestures and signs, or by words, we were en- 
abled to understand each other. These men 
are still traveling with me, and although they 
have been with us now a long time, they con- 
tinue to entertain the idea that I have descend- 
ed from heaven; and on our arrival at any new 
place they publish this, crying out immedi- 
ately with a loud voice to the other Indians: 
^' Come; come and look upon beings of a celes- 
tial race;" upon which both women and men, 
children and adults, young men and old, when 



RAPHAEL SANCHEZ 43 

they got rid of the fear they at first entertain- 
ed, would come out in throngs, crowding the 
roads, to see us, some bringing food, others 
drink, with astonishing affection and kindness. 
Each of these islands has a great number of 
canoes, built of wood, narrow and not unlike 
our double-banked boats in length and shape, 
but swifter in their motion; they steer them 
only by the oar. These canoes are of various 
sizes, but the greater number are constructed 
with eighteen banks of oars, and with these 
they cross to the other islands, which are of 
countless number, to carry on traffic with the 
people. I saw some of these canoes that held 
as many as seventy-eight rowers. In all these 
islands there is no difference of physiognomy, 
of manners, or of language, but they all clearly | 
understand each other — a circumstance very j 
propitious for the realization of what I conceive | 
to be the principal wish of our most serene | 
King, namely, the conversion of these people f 
to the holy faith of Christ, to which, indeed, as 
far as I can judge, they are very favorable 
and well disposed. I said before that I went 



44 LETTER TO 

three hundred and twenty-two miles in a direct 
line from west to east, along the coast of the 
island of Juana; judging by which voyage, and 
the length of the passage, I can assert that it 
is larger than England and Scotland united; 
for, independent of the said three hundred and 
twenty-two miles, there are in the western 
part of the island two provinces which I did 
not visit; one of these is called by the Indians 
Anam, and its inhabitants are born with tails. 
These provinces extend to a hundred and fifty- 
three miles in length, as I have learned from the 
Indians whom I have brought with me, and 
who are well acquainted with the country. But 
the extent of Espanola is greater than all Spain 
from Catalonia to Fontarabia, which is easily 
proved, because one of its four sides, which I 
myself coasted in a direct line from west to 
east, measures five hundred and forty miles. 
This island is to be regarded with especial in- 
terest, and not to be slighted; for although, as 
I have said, I took possession of all of these 
islands in the name of our invincible King, and 
the government of them is unreservedly com- 



RAPHAEL SANCHEZ 45 

mitted to his said Majesty, yet there was one 
large town in Espaiiola of which especially I 
took possession, situated in a remarkably fa- 
vorable spot, and in every way convenient for 
the purposes of gain and commerce. To this 
town I gave the name of Navidad del Senor, 
and ordered a fortress to be built there, which 
must by this time be completed, in which I 
left as many men as I thought necessary, with 
all sorts of arms, and enough provisions for 
more than a year." I also left them one cara- 
vel, t and skilful workmen, both in ship-build- 
ing and other arts, and engaged the favor and 
friendship of the King of the islands in their 
behalf, to a degree that would not be believed, 
for these people are so amiable and friendly 

* This, the first Spanish attempt to colonize the New 
World, resulted only in failure. On the return of Colum- 
bus, in his second voyage, he found that quarrels had 
arisen with the natives, and the Spaniards had been entire- 
ly exterminated. 

f This is not clear. The Santa Maria was wrecked 
among the islands, was taken to pieces, and used to build 
the fortress at Navidad, and in that sense, and no other, 
was left there. The Pinta and Nina returned to Spain in 
company. 



46 LETTER TO 

that even the King took a pride in calHng me 
his brother. But supposing their feelings 
should become changed, and they should wish 
to injure those who have remained in the fort- 
ress, they could not do so, for they have no 
arms, they go naked, and are, moreover, too 
cowardly; so that those who hold the said fort- 
ress can easily keep the whole island in check 
without any pressing danger to themselves, 
provided they do not transgress the directions 
and regulations which I have given them. As 
far as I have learned, every man throughout 
these islands is united to but one wife, with the 
exception of the kings and princes, who are al- 
lowed to have twenty: the women seem to 
work more than the men. I could not clearly 
understand whether the people possess any 
private property, for I observed that one man 
had the charge of distributing various things 
to the rest, but especially meat and provisions, 
and the like. I did not find, as some of us had 
expected, any cannibals amongst them, but, on 
the contrary, men of great deference and kind- 
ness. Neither are they black, like the Ethio- 



RAPHAEL SANCHEZ 4/ 

pians: their hair is smooth and straight, for 
they do not dwell where the rays of the sun 
strike most vividly — and the sun has intense 
power there, the distance from the equinoctial 
line being, it appears, but six-and-twenty de- 
grees. On the tops of the mountains the cold 
is very great, but the effect of this upon the 
Indians is lessened by their being accustomed 
to the climate, and by their frequently indulg- 
ing in the use of very hot meats and drinks. 
Thus, as I have already said, I saw no canni- 
bals, nor did I hear of any, except in a certain 
island called Charis,^ which is the second 
from Espaiiola, on the side towards India, 
where dwell a people who are considered by 
the neighboring islanders as most ferocious: 
and these feed upon human flesh. The same 
people have many kinds of canoes, in which 
they cross to all the surrounding islands and 
rob and plunder wherever they can; they are 
not different from other islanders, except that 
they wear their hair long, like women, and 
make use of the bows and javelins of cane, 

* Probably Carib, the Indian name for Porto Rico. 



48 LETTER TO 

with sharpened spear - points fixed on the 
thickest end, which I have before described, 
and therefore they are looked upon as fero- 
cious, and regarded by the other Indians with 
unbounded fear; but I think no more of them 
than of the rest. These are the men who form 
unions with certain women who dwell alone in 
the island Matenin, which lies next to Espan- 
ola on the side towards India; these latter em- 
ploy themselves in no labor suitable to their 
own sex, for they use bows and javelins as I 
have already described their paramours as 
doing, and for defensive armor have plates of 
brass, of which metal they possess great abuii;;; 
dance. They assure me that there is another^ 
island larger than Espanola, whose inhabitants 
have no hair, and which abounds in gold more 
than any of the rest. I bring with me individ- 
uals of this island, and of the others that I have 
seen, who are proofs of the facts which I state. 
Finally, to compress into a few words the en- 
tire summary of my voyage and speedy return, 
and of the advantages derivable therefrom, I 
promise that, with a little assistance afforded 



RAPHAEL SANCHEZ 49 

me by our most invincible Sovereigns, I will 
procure them as .much gold as they need, as 
great a quantity of spices, of cotton, and of 
mastic (which is only found in Chios), and as 
many men for the service of the navy as their 
Majesties may require. I promise, also, rhu- 
barb and other sorts of drugs, which I am per- 
suaded the men whom I have left in the afore- 
said fortress have found already, and will 
continue to find; for I myself have tarried no- 
where longer than I was compelled to do by 
the winds, except in the city of Navidad, while 
I provided for the building of the fortress, and 
took the necessary precautions for the perfect 
security of the men I left there. Although all 
I have related may appear to be wonderful and 
unheard of, yet the results of my voyage would 
have been more astonishing if I had had at my 
disposal such ships as I required. But these 
great and marvelous results are not to be at- 
tributed to any merit of mine, but to the holy 
Christian faith, and to the piety and religion 
of our Sovereigns, for that which the unaided 
intellect of man could not compass, the spirit 



50 LETTER TO 

of God has granted to human exertions, for 
God is wont to hear the prayers of his servants 
who love his precepts, even to the performance 
of apparent impossibiHties. Thus it has hap- 
pened to me in the present instance, who have 
accompHshed a task to which the powers of 
mortal men had never hitherto attained; for if 
there have been those who have anywhere 
written or spoken of these islands, they have 
done so with doubts and conjectures, and no 
one has ever asserted that he has seen them, 
on which account their writinc^s have been 
looked upon as little else than fables. There- 
fore let the King and Queen, our Princes and 
their most happy kingdoms, and all the other 
provinces of Christendom, render thanks to 
our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, who has 
granted us so great a victory and such pros- 
perity. Let processions be made, and sacred 
feasts be held, and the temples be adorned 
with festive boughs. Let Christ rejoice on 
earth, as he rejoices in heaven, in the prospect 
of the salvation of the souls of so many nations 
liitherto lost. Let us also rejoice, as well on 



RAPHAEL SANCHEZ 5 1 

account of the exaltation of our faith as on ac- 
count of the increase of our temporal prosper- 
ity, of which not only Spain, but all Christen- 
dom will be partakers. 

Such are the events which I have briefly de- 
scribed. Farewell. 

Lisbon,'^ the 14th of March. 

Christopher Columbus, 
Admiral of the Fleet of the Ocean. 

* The date is one day after his leaving Lisbon, so it was 
probably written at sea. 



52 LETTER TO 



LETTER TO LUIS DE SANTANGEL* 



OENOR : Knowing the pleasure you will re- 
^^ ceive in hearing of the great victory which 
our Lord has granted me in my voyage, I hast- 
en to inform you, that after a passage of seven- 
ty-one days, I arrived at the Indies, with the 
fleet of the most illustrious King and Queen, 
our Sovereigns, committed to my charge, where 
I discovered many islands, inhabited by people 
without number, and of which I took posses- 
sion for their Highnesses by proclamation with 
the royal banner displayed, no one offering 
any contradiction. The first which I discov- 

* This letter also narrates the discoveries of the first 
voyage, and largely repeats the information given in the 
letter to Sanchez, anfe. Santangel was the secretary and 
steward of the household of Aragon, and had largely sup- 
plied the money for the expedition. The translatioh is by 
Samuel Kettell, printed in his Personal Narrative of the 
First Voyage of Christopher Cohunbus, . . . Boston, 1827. 
The original text is in Navarrete's Coleccion de los Viages, 
. . . Madrid, 1825. 



LUIS DE SANTANGEL 53 

ered I named San Salvador, in commemoration 
of our holy Saviour, who has, in a wonderful 
manner, granted all our success. The Indians 
call it Guanahani. To the second I gave the 
name of Santa Maria de Concepcion, to the 
third that of Fernandina, to the fourth that of 
Isabella, to the fifth that of Juana; thus giving 
each island a new name. I coasted along the 
island of Juana to the west, and found it of 
such extent that I took it for a continent, and 
imagined it must be the country of Cathay. 
Villages were seen near the sea-coast, but as I 
discovered no large cities, and could not obtain 
any communication with the inhabitants, who 
all fled at our approach, I continued on west, 
thinking I should not fail in the end to meet 
with great towns and cities; but having gone 
many leagues without such success, and find- 
ing that the coast carried me to the north, 
whither I disliked to proceed on account of 
the impending winter, I resolved to return to 
the south, and accordingly put about, and ar- 
rived at an excellent harbor in the island, 
where I dispatched two men into the country 



54 LETTER TO 

to ascertain whether the King or any large cit- 
ies were in the neighborhood. They traveled 
three days, and met with innumerable settle- 
ments of the natives, of a small size, but did 
not succeed in finding any sovereign of the 
territory, and so returned. I made out to learn 
from some Indians, which I had before taken, 
that this was an island, and proceeded along the 
coast to the east an hundred and seven leagues, 
till I reached the extremity. I then discovered 
another island east of this, eighteen leagues 
distant, which I named Espanola, and followed 
its northern coast, as I did that of Juana, for the 
space of an hundred and seventy-eight leagues 
to the east. All these countries are of surpassing 
excellence, and in particular Juana, which con- 
tains abundance of fine harbors, excelling any in 
Christendom, as also many large and beautiful 
rivers. The land is high, and exhibits chains of 
tall mountains, which seem to reach to the skies, 
and surpass beyond comparison the isle of 
Cetrefrey. These display themselves in all 
manner of beautiful shapes. They are acces- 
sible in every part, and covered with a vast 



LUIS DE S ANT ANGEL 55 

variety of lofty trees, which it appears to me 
never lose their foliage, as we found them fair 
and verdant as in May in Spain. Some were 
covered with blossoms, some with fruit, and 
others in different stages, according to their 
nature. The nightingale and a thousand other 
sorts of birds were singing in the month of 
November wherever I went. There are palm- 
trees in these countries, of six or eight sorts, 
which are surprising to see, on account of their 
diversity from ours, but, indeed, this is the 
case with respect to the other trees, as well as 
the fruits and weeds. Beautiful forests of pines 
are likewise found, and fields of vast extent. 
Here are also honey, and fruits of thousand sorts, 
and birds of every variety. The lands contain 
mines of metals, and inhabitants without num- 
ber. The island of Espanola is preeminent in 
beauty and excellence, offering to the sight 
the most enchanting view of mountains, 
plains, rich fields for cultivation, and pastures 
for flocks of all sorts, with situations for towns 
and settlements. Its harbors are of such ex- 
cellence that their description would not gain 



56 LETTER TO 

belief, and the like may be said of its abund- 
ance of large and fine rivers, the most of which 
abound in gold. The trees, fruits, and plants 
of this island differ considerably from those of 
Juana, and the place contains a great deal of 
spicery, and extensive mines of gold and other 
metals. The people of this island, and of all 
the others which I have become acquainted 
with, go naked as they were born, although 
some of the women wear at the loins a leaf or 
bit of cotton cloth, which they prepare for 
tlvit purpose. They do not possess iron, steel, 
or weapons, and seem to have no inclination 
for the latter, being timorous to the last de- 
gree. They have an instrument consisting of 
a cane, taken while in seed, and headed with a 
sharp stick, but they never venture to use it. 
Many times I have sent two or three men to 
one of their villages, when whole multitudes 
have taken to flight at the sight of them, and 
this w^as not by reason of any injury we ever 
wrought them, for at every place where I have 
made any stay, and obtained communication 
with them, I have made them presents of cloth 



LUIS DE SANTANGEL 57 

and such other things as I possessed, without 
demanding anything in return. After they 
have shaken off their fear of us, they display a 
frankness and liberality in their behavior which 
no one would believe without witnessing it. No 
request of anything from them is ever refused, 
but they rather invite acceptance of what they 
possess, and manifest such a generosity that 
they would give away their own hearts. Let 
the article be of great or small value, they offer 
it readily, and receive anything which is ten- 
dered in return with perfect content. I forbade 
my men to purchase their goods with such 
worthless things as bits of platters and broken 
glass, or thongs of leather, although when they 
got possession of one of these, they estimated 
it as highly as the greatest jewel in the world. 
The sailors would buy of them for a scrap of 
leather pieces of gold w^eighing two castellanos 
and a half, and even more of this metal for 
something still less in value. The whole of an 
Indian's property might be purchased of him 
for a few blancas; this would amount to two or 
three castellanos' value of gold, or the same of 



58 LETTER TO 

cotton thread. Even the pieces of broken 
hoops from the casks they would receive in 
barter for their articles, with the greatest sim- 
plicity. I thought such traffic unjust, and 
therefore forbade it. I presented them with a 
variety of things, in order to secure their affec- 
tion, and that they may become Christians, 
and enter into the services of their Highnesses 
and the Castilian nation, and also aid us in 
procuring such things as they possess, and we 
stand in need of They are not idolaters, nor 
ha,ve they any sort of religion, except believ- 
ing that power and goodness are in heaven, 
from which place they entertained a firm per- 
suasion that I had come with my ships and 
men. On this account wherever we met them 
they showed us the greatest reverence after 
they had overcome their fear. Such conduct 
cannot be ascribed to their want of understand- 
ing, for they are a people of much ingenuity, 
and navigate all those seas, giving a remark- 
ably good account of every part, but do not 
state that they have met with people in clothes 
or ships like ours. On my arrival at the Indies 



LUIS DE SANTANGEL 59 

I took by force from the first island I came to 
a few of the inhabitants, in order that they 
might learn our language, and assist us in our 
discoveries. We succeeded ere long in under- 
standing one another by signs and words, and 
I have them now with me, still thinking we 
have come from heaven, as I learn by much 
conversation which I have had with them. 
This they were the first to proclaim wherever 
we went, and the other natives would run from 
house to house, and from village to village, 
crying out, " Come, and see the men from 
heaven ! " so that all the inhabitants, both men 
and women, having gathered confidence, hast- 
ened toward us, bringing victuals and drink, 
which they presented to us with a surprising 
good will. In all the islands they possess a 
vast number of canoes, which are of various 
sizes, each one constructed of a single log, and 
shaped like a fusta. Some of these are as large 
as a fusta of eighteen oars, although narrow, 
on account of the material. I have seen sixty 
or eighty men in one of these canoes, and each 
man with his paddle. They are rowed with a 



6o LETTER TO 

swiftness which no boat can equal, and serve 
the purpose of transporting goods among these 
innumerable islands. I did not observe any 
great diversity in the appearance of the inhab- 
itants in the different parts of these countries, 
nor in their customs nor language, for singu- 
larly enough in this last respect, they all un- 
derstand one another; on which account I 
hope their Highnesses will exert themselves 
h for the conversion of these people to our holy 
faith, in which undertaking they will be found 
very tractable. I have already related that I pro- 
ceeded along the coast of Juana for an hundred 
and seven leagues from west to east, from which 
I dare affirm this island to be larger than Eng- 
land and Scotland together; for, besides the ex- 
tent of it which I coasted, there are two unex- 
plored provinces to the west, in one of which, 
called Cibau, are people with tails. These dis- 
tricts cannot be less than fifty or sixty leagues in 
extent, according as I learn from my Indians, 
who are acquainted with all these islands. The 
other island, called Espanola, is more extensive 
than the division of Spain from Corunna to Fon- 



LUIS DE SANTANGEL 6l 

tarabia, as I traversed one side of it for the dis- 
tance of an hundred and thirty-eight leagues 
from west to east. This is a most beautiful island, 
and although I have taken possession of them all, 
in the name of their Highnesses, and every one 
remains in their power, and as much at their dis- 
posal as the kingdoms of Castile, and although 
they are all furnished with everything that can 
be desired, yet the preference must be given to 
Espanola, on account of the mines of gold 
which it possesses, and the facilities it offers 
for trade with continents and countries this side 
and beyond that of the Great Can, which traf- 
fic will be great and profitable. I have accord- 
ingly taken possession of a place, which I named 
Villa de Navidad, and built there a fortress 
which is at present complete, and furnished 
with a sufficiency of men for the enterprise; 
with these I have left arms, ammunitions, and 
provisions for more than a year, a boat, and 
expert men in all necessary arts. The King of 
the country has shown great friendship toward 
us, and held himself a brother to me. Even 
should their friendly inclinations change, and 



62 LETTER TO 

become hostile, yet nothing- can be feared from 
them as they are totally ignorant in the world. 
The small number of men whom I have left 
there would be sufficient to ravage the whole 
territory, and they may remain there with per- 
fect safety, taking proper care of themselves. 
In all the islands, as far as I could observe, the 
men are content with a single wife each, ex- 
cept that a chief or king has as many as twen- 
ty. The women appear to do more work than 
the men, and as to their property I have been 
unable to learn that they have any private 
possessions, but apparently all things are in 
common among them, especially provisions. 
In none of the islands hitherto visited have I 
found any people of monstrous appearance, 
according to the expectation of some, but the 
inhabitants are all of very pleasing aspect, not 
resembling the blacks of Guinea, as their hair 
is straight, and their color lighter. The rays 
of the sun are here very powerful, although the 
latitude is twenty-six degrees, but in the islands 
where there are high mountains the winter is 
cold, which the inhabitants endure from habit, 



LUIS DE SANTANGEL 63 

and the use of hot spices with their food. An 
island situated in the second strait, at the en- 
trance to the Indies, is peopled with inhabitants 
who eat live flesh, and are esteemed very fe- 
rocious in all the other parts. They possess 
many canoes with which they scour all the isl- 
ands of India, robbing and capturing all they 
meet. They are not of a more deformed ap- 
pearance than the others, except that they 
wear their hair long like women, and use bows 
and arrows, which last are made of cane and 
pointed with a stick for want of iron, which 
they do not possess. They exchange their 
wives, and although these are esteemed a fierce 
people among the neighboring islands, yet I 
do not regard them more than the others, as 
the most of the inhabitants of these regions are 
very great cowards. One of these islands is 
peopled solely by women, who practise no 
feminine occupations, but exercise the bow and 
arrow, and cover themselves with plates of 
copper, which metal they have in abundance. 
There is another island, as I am assured, larger 
than Espanola, in which the inhabitants are 



64 LETTER TO 

without hair, and which contains a great abun- 
dance of gold. In confirmation of these and 
other accounts I have brought the Indians 
along with me for testimonies. In conclusion, 
and to speak only of what I have performed: 
this voyage so hastily dispatched will, as their 
Highnesses may see, enable any desirable 
quantity of gold to be obtained by a very small 
assistance afforded me on their part. At pres- 
ent there are within reach: spices and cotton 
to as great an amount as they can desire; aloe, in 
a. great abundance; and equal store of mastic, 
a production nowhere else found except in 
Greece and the island of Scio, where it is sold 
at such a price as the possessors choose. To 
these may be added slaves, as numerous as 
may be wished for. Besides, I have, as I think, 
discovered rhubarb and cinnamon, and expect 
countless other things of value will be found 
by the men whom I left there, as I made it a 
point not to stay in any one place while the 
wind enabled me to proceed upon the voyage, 
except at Villa de Navidad, where I left them 
well established. I should have accomplished 



LUIS DE SANTANGEL 65 



much more, had those in the other vessels done 
their duty."^ This is ever certain, that God 
grants to those that walk in his ways the per 
formance of things which seem impossible, and 
this enterprise might in a signal manner have 
been considered so, for although many have 
talked of these countries, yet it has been noth- 
ing more than conjecture. Our Saviour hav- 
ing vouchsafed this victory to our most illus- 
trious King and Queen and their kingdoms, 
famous for so eminent a deed, all Christendom 
should rejoice and give solemn thanks to the 
holy Trinity for the addition of as many peo- 
ple to our holy faith, and also for the temporal 
profit accruing not only to Spain, but to all 
Christians. 

On board the caravel, t off the Azores, Feb- 
ruary 15th, 1493. 



* This is a reference to the commanders of the Pififa and 
Nina, Pinzon and Yanez, who had proved unruly and in- 
subordinate. 

f The Nina. The ship had just outlived a furious storm, 
in which destruction seemed so imminent that Columbus 
and his crew drew lots as to who should make pilgrimages 
to the shrines of St. Mary of Guadalupe and St. Mary of 



-I 



66 LETTER TO 

P. S. After writing the above, being at sea 
near Castile, the wind rose with such fury from 
the south and southeast that I was obliged to 
bear away, and run into the port of Lisbon,"^ 
where I escaped by the greatest miracle in the 
world. From this place I shall write to their 
Highnesses. Throughout the Indies I always 
found the weather like May. I made the pas- 
sage thither in seventy-one days, and back in 
forty-eight, during thirteen of which number I 
was driven about by storms. The seamen here 
inform me that there was never known a win- 
ter in which so many ships were lost.t 

March 4th. 

Loretto; and, fearing the loss of the fact of his discovery, 
Columbus wrote an account of it on parchment, rolled it in 
waxed cloth, placed it in a wooden cask, and threw it into 
the sea. 

* "When I was driven by a tempest into the port of Lis- 
bon (having lost my sails), I was falsely accused (by those 
at court) of having put in thither with the intention of giv- 
ing the Indies to the Sovereign of that country." 

f Endorsed: "This letter Columbus sent to the steward of 
the household from the islands discovered in the Lidies, in 
another to their Highnesses." 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 6/ 



LETTER TO FERDINAND AND 
ISABELLA^- 

MOST HIGH AND MIGHTY SOVER- 
EIGNS : In obedience to your High- 
nesses' commands, and with submission to su- 
perior judgment, I will say whatever occurs to 
me in reference to the colonization and com- 
merce of the island of Espanola, and of the 
other islands, both those already discovered 
and those that may be discovered hereafter. 

In the first place, as regards the island of 
Espanola : Inasmuch as the number of colo- 
nists who desire to go thither amounts to two 

*This letter has been assigned to the year 1497, but the 
internal evidence indicates that it was written before Colum- 
bus sailed on his second voyage, as the number of colo- 
nists he speaks of as wishing to go agrees with the state- 
ments as to the size of the second expedition. This fixes 
the date between July ist and September 25, 1493. It is 
thus the first suggestion of a code of American laws. The 
translation is by George Dexter, printed in the Proceedings 
of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Vol. XVI. The orig- 
inal text is in the Cartas de Indias, . . . Madrid, 1877. 



68 LETTER TO 

thousand, owing to the land being safer and 
better for farming and trading, and because it 
will serve as a place to which they can return 
and from which they can carry on trade with 
the neighboring islands : 

Item. That in the said island there shall 
be founded three or four towns, situated in the 
most convenient places, and that the settlers 
who are there be assigned to the aforesaid 
places and towns. 

Item. That for the better and more speedy 
colonization of the said island, no one shall 
have liberty to collect gold in it except those 
who have taken out colonists' papers^ and 
have built houses for their abode, in the town 
in which they are, that they may live united 
and in greater safety. 

Item. That each town shall have its alcalde 
or alcaldes, and its notary public, as is the use 
and custom in Castile. 

Item. That there shall be a church, and 
parish priests or friars to administer the sacra- 

* Spanish: to})iitreii vccindad. 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 69 

ments, to perform divine worship, and for the 
conversion of the Indians. 

Item. That none of the colonists shall go 
to seek gold without a license from the gov- 
ernor or alcalde of the town where he lives; 
and that he must first take oath to return to 
the place whence he sets out, for the purpose 
of registering faithfully all the gold he may 
have found, and to return once a month, or 
once a week, as the time may have been set 
for him, to render account and show the quan- 
tity of said gold; and that this shall be writ- 
ten, done by the notary before the alcalde, 
or, if it seems better, that a friar or priest, 
deputed for the purpose, shall also be pres- 
ent. 

Item. That the gold thus brought In shall 
be smelted immediately, and stamped with 
some mark that shall distinguish each town; 
and that the portion which belongs to your 
Highnesses shall be weighed, and given and 
consigned to each alcalde in his own town, and 
registered by the above-mentioned priest or 
friar, so that it shall not pass through the 



70 LETTER TO 

hands of only one person, and there shall be 
no opportunity to conceal the truth. 

Item. That all gold that may be found 
without the mark of one of the said towns in 
the possession of any one who has once regis- 
tered in accordance with the above order, 
shall be taken as forfeited, and that the ac- 
cuser shall have one portion of it and your 
Highnesses the other. 

Item. That one per centum of all the gold 
that may be found shall be set aside for build- 
ing churches and adorning the same, and for 
the support of the priests or friars belonging 
to them; and, if it should be thought proper 
to pay any thing to the alcaldes or notaries for 
their services, or for ensuring the faithful per- 
formance of their duties, that this amount 
shall be sent to the governor or treasurer 
who may be appointed there by your High- 
nesses. 

Item. As regards the division of the gold, 
and the share that ought to be reserved for 
your Highnesses, this, in my opinion, must be 
left to the aforesaid governor and treasurer, 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA /I 

because it will have to be greater or less, ac- 
cording to the quantity of gold that may be 
found. Or, should it seem preferable, your 
Highnesses might, for the space of one year, 
take one-half, and the collector the other, and 
a better arrangement for the division be made 
afterward. 

Item. That if the said alcaldes or notaries 
shall commit or be privy to any fraud, punish- 
ment shall be provided, and the same for the 
colonists who shall not have declared all the 
gold they have. 

Item. That in the said island there shall 
be a treasurer, with a clerk to assist him, who 
shall receive all the gold belonging to your 
Highnesses, and the alcaldes and notaries of 
the towns shall each keep a record of what they 
deliver to the said treasurer. 

Item. As, in the eagerness to get gold, 
every one will wish, naturally, to engage in its 
search in preference to any other employment, 
it seems to me that the privilege of going to 
look for gold ought to be withheld during 
some portion of each year, that there may be 



72 LETTER TO 

Opportunity to have the other business neces- 
sary for tlie island performed. 

Item. In regard to the discovery of new 
countries, I think permission should be grant- 
ed to all that wish to go, and more liberality 
used in the matter of the fifth, making the tax 
easier, in some fair way, in order that many 
may be disposed to go on voyage. 

I will now give my opinion about ships go- 
ing to the said island of Espanola, and the 
order that should be maintained; and that is, 
that the said ships should only be allowed to 
discharge in one or two ports designated for 
the purpose, and should register there what- 
ever cargo they bring or unload; and when 
the time for their departure comes, that they 
should sail from these same ports, and register 
all the cargo they take in, that nothing may 
be concealed. 

Item. In reference to the transportation of 
gold from the island to Castile, that all of it 
should be taken on board the ship, both that 
belonging to your Highnesses and the proper- 
ty of every one else ; that it should all be 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA T-}) 

placed in one chest with two locks, with their 
keys, and that the master of the vessel keep 
one key and some person selected by the gov- 
ernor and treasurer the other ; that there 
should come with the gold, for a testimony, a 
list of all that has been put into the said chest, 
properly marked, so that each owner may re- 
ceive his own ; and that, for the faithful per- 
formance of this duty, if any gold whatsoever 
is found outside of the said chest in any w^ay, 
be it little or much, it shall be forfeited to your 
Highnesses. 

Item. That all the ships that come from 
the said island shall be obliged to make their 
proper discharge in the port of Cadiz, and that 
no person shall disembark or other person be 
permitted to go on board until the ship has 
been visited by the person or persons deputed 
for that purpose, in the said city, by your 
Highnesses, to whom the master shall show 
all that he carries, and exhibit the manifest of 
all the cargo, that it may be seen and exam- 
ined if the said ship brings any thing hidden 
and not known at the time of lading. 



74 LETTER TO FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 

Item. That the chest in which the said 
gold has been carried shall be opened in the 
presence of the magistrates of the said city of 
Cadiz, and of the person deputed for that pur- 
pose by your Highnesses, and his own prop- 
erty be given to each owner. I beg your 
Highnesses to hold me in your protection ; 
and I remain, praying our Lord God for your 
Highnesses' lives and the increase of much 

greater States, 

S. 

S. A. S. 

X M Y 

Xpo FERENS.* 

*A custom in Spain was to connect some pious supplica- 
tion with signatures, and such unquestionably is the mean- 
ing of the prefatory initials that Columbus placed before 
the curious hybrid Greek-Latin letters which he used as a 
signature. Their exact meaning is doubtful, but the most 
probable explanation is, ''Salve ?fie Xristus, Mai-ia, Yosc- 
p Jilts.'" See also in this connection, the Deed of Entail, 
post. 



PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS 75 



PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS* 

This declares that what follows belongs, and should and 
ought to belong to the Admiral, Viceroy and Governor 
of the Indies, for the King and Queen, our Lords. 

ACCORDING to the capitulation entered 
into with their Hiijhncsses, and signed 
with their royal names, it appears very clearly 
that their Highnesses permit and grant to the 
said Admiral of the Indies, all the preemi- 
nences and prerogatives which the Admiral of 
Castile holds and enjoys ; to whom, in right of 

* Before sailing on his first voyage Columbus entered 
into stipulations with Ferdinand and Isabella (printed in 
Kettcll), in which certain "recompense" in the shape of 
rights, titles, offices, and a percentage of all "goods, mer- 
chandise, pearls, precious stones, gold, silver, spices, and 
all other articles," were granted him. Disputes arose con- 
cerning the extent of these, and so this argument was pre- 
pared to prove his asserted rights. From two papers 
printed in Memorials of Columbus (pp. (:>']-']2), it seems 
probable that it was written in 1497. A second and longer 
argument is printed in this volume, /cf/. The translation 
is taken from Moiiorials of Columbus, . . . London, 1823. 
The original text is in Codice Diplomatico Colombo-Amer- 
icano, . . . Genova, 1823. 



76 PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS 

his privilege, it is known that the third part 
of whatever he shall gain, belongs: and con- 
sequently the Admiral of the Indies is entitled 
to the third part of whatever he has acquired 
of the islands and mainland which he has 
discovered and may discover ; and likewise he 
is to have the tenth and the eighth, as appears 
from the third and fifth article of the aforesaid 
capitulation. 

And if it should be argued that the third 
part granted to the Admiral of Castile is to be 
understood as relating to movables, which he 
might acquire by sea ; whereas the said islands 
being mainland, although acquired by sea, 
the third part of them cannot belong to the 
Admiral, in consequence of their being im- 
movable : 

To this the said Admiral replies, by saying 
that it is to be observed that, in the aforesaid 
capitulation, the said Admiral of Castile is 
nominated Admiral of the sea : and on that 
account the third part of whatever he may ac- 
quire by sea is granted to him, no jurisdiction 
nor office being granted to him in any other 



PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS JJ 

part whatsoever ; and it would be very im- 
proper and unreasonable to grant him a part 
of what is not within his jurisdiction, it being a 
general maxim that propter officiiim datjir 
beiieficiitvi, because the benefit has and ought 
to have a connection with the office, and not 
out of it. But the Admiral of the Indies was 
constituted and nominated, according to the 
tenor of the aforesaid capitulation, Admiral, 
not of the sea, but expressly of the Indies and 
of the mainland, which he has acquired in exe- 
cuting and discharging the said office of Ad- 
miral : and thus is to be understood and inter- 
preted the privilege of the said Admiral of Cas- 
tile, and the article which refers to it ; it being 
sufficiently manifest that every thing is to be 
understood seciindmn sitbjectam materiain, et 
secundum qtialitateni per sonar um ; for by in- 
terpreting them otherwise, the said privilege 
and article would be of no utility to the afore- 
said Admiral of the Indies ; for if he does not 
take the third of the aforesaid Indies, of which 
he is Admiral, as he has not been constituted 
Admiral of the sea, he ought not even to take 



78 PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS 

what he might gain by the sea, on account of 
its being out of his jurisdiction and office, so 
that the said article and constitution would be 
of no avail to him ; and such a thing is not to 
be asserted, for whatever expression is intro- 
duced into a contract must have its full force, 
and not be regarded as superfluous : how much 
more so in a case like this, of so much impor- 
tance, utility, and glory to their Highnesses, 
obtained at a very small expense, and without 
any peril to their honor, persons, or property, 
bi*t with considerable peril, as was well known, 
to the life of, and not without heavy expense 
to, the Admiral ? For which reason the tenth 
part only must be looked upon as very trifling 
(no mention being made of the eighth, because 
this belongs to him as his proportion), and so 
very small part for so great a service would be 
a recompense indeed inconsiderable. And the 
remark of the divine laws is here very appo- 
site, quia bencficia PiHncipinn sunt latissiine 
interpretanda. And, moreover, favors confer- 
red by Princes ought to be understood in the 
most ample and complete sense; more espe- 



PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS 79 

cially by the most high and renowned Princes, 
such as their Highnesses are, from whom, 
more than h'om all other persons, the most 
ample favors are to be expected. And there- 
fore the said third part, although it appears 
very small, belongs to the aforesaid Admiral : 
for w^e observe, in companies formed by mer- 
chants, that the industry and foresight of one 
partner are looked upon and held to be upon 
an equal footing with the money of another, 
and an equal share belongs to him of the gains 
resulting, although obtained by the money of 
the other : how much more ought this to be 
the case of the Admiral, who displayed aston- 
ishing and incredible industry, and was ex- 
posed to great labor and peril in his own per- 
son, brothers and family ? Therefore, with so 
much the more reason he ought to have the 
third of all, as was really the intention of their 
Highnesses. And that such is truly the mean- 
ing, we see by this, that their Highnesses 
grant to such as go to the Indies five parts 
out of six, and to others, four parts out of five, 
and the administration of the land, without 



8o PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS 

any peril, the road being- now open, secure 
and made known to every body. And in con- 
firmation of what I say, as is expressed in 
many privileges of the said Admiral of the 
Indies, the said Admiral went by command of 
their Highnesses to acquire, not ships, or ves- 
sels, or any other thing of the sea, but express- 
ly islands and the mainland, as is specifically 
mentioned in the privilege (which might be 
more properly called a grace), at the begin- 
ning, where it is thus declared: ''and because 
you, Christopher Columbus, go by our com- 
mand to discover and acquire islands and the 
mainland," &c. Now if the whole acquisition 
was to be islands and mainland, it is a neces- 
sary consequence that the third part must be 
of what has been acquired ; and being the 
third part of the acquisition, it is notorious 
that the third part of the islands and mainland 
acquired belongs to the said Admiral : and 
certainly there is no reason to doubt that, if in 
the beginning the aforesaid Admiral had de- 
manded a . greater part, it would have been 
granted to him, the whole of such acquisition 



PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS 8l 

being made by him, a thing of which nobody 
had any hope or expectation, and which was 
far beyond the knowledge and dominion of 
their Highnesses. This, then, is a complete 
and distinct answer to those who assert the 
contrary; and the third part of the said Indies 
and mainland justly and clearly appears to be- 
long to the said Admiral. 

That of the tenth is very clear. With re- 
spect to the eighth, although it be equally 
clear, I wish to observe: 

If it be asserted against him, that he is not 
to have the said eighth of the merchandise and 
articles conveyed and exported in the vessels 
which went for discovery, to those which went 
to the pearl fishery, and to other parts of this 
Admiralty, whilst he remained in the island of 
Espafiola upon the service of their High- 
nesses, because he contributed nothing toward 
their equipment ; it is answered that the equip- 
ment of such vessels was not notified to him, 
nor was he called upon or informed of it at the 
time of their departure : and, therefore, as by 
law, to the ignorant, who can prove ignorance 



82 PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS 

of any fact, no time elapses, but on the con- 
trary such plea undoubtedly grants a legiti- 
mate excuse, and even complete restitution ; 
therefore, in the actual case it should be under- 
stood and declared, that the Admiral per- 
formed his part by offering to contribute his 
part to the present : nor can he be blamed, 
but rather those who did not notify to him, 
what it was their duty to do, &c. 



DEED OF ENTAIL 83 



DEED OF ENTAIL* 

T N the name of the most holy Trinity, who 
^ inspired me with the idea, and afterward 
made it perfectly clear to me, that I could 
navigate and go to the Indies from Spain, by 
traversing the ocean westwardly ; which I 
communicated to the King, Don Ferdinand, 
and to the Queen, Doiia Isabella, our sove- 
reigns ; and they were pleased to furnish me 
the necessary equipment of men and ships, 
and to make me their Admiral over the said 
ocean, in all parts lying to the west of an imag- 
inary line, drawn from pole to pole, a hundred 
leagues west of the Cape de Verd and Azore 
Islands ; also appointing me their Viceroy and 
Governor over all continents and islands that I 

■^Spanish: Insiitiition del Mayorazgos. It was written 
February 22, 1498, before Columbus sailed on his third 
voyage. The translation is by Washington Irving, and is 
printed in his Life and Voyages of Columbus, . . . Ne^a 
York, 1828, where, by a curious error, it is given as the 
will of Columbus. The original text is in Navarrete's 
Coleccion de los Viages, . , . Madrid, 1825. 



84 DEED OF ENTAIL 

might discover beyond the said Hne westward- 
\y ; with the right of being succeeded in the 
said offices by my eldest son and his heirs for 
ever ; and a grant of the tenth part of all things 
found in the said jurisdiction ; and of all rents 
and revenues arising from it ; and the eighth 
of all the lands and every thing else, together 
with the salary corresponding to my rank of 
Admiral, Viceroy, and Governor, and all other 
emoluments accruing thereto, as is more fully 
expressed in the title and agreement sanctioned 
by their Highnesses. 

And it pleased the Lord Almighty, that in 
the year one thousand four hundred and ninety- 
two, I should discover the continent of the 
Indias and many islands, among them Es- 
paiiola, which the Indians call Ayte, and the 
Monicongos, Cipango. I then returned to 
Castile to their Highnesses, who approved of 
my undertaking a second enterprise for farther 
discoveries and settlements ; and the Lord 
gave me victory over the island of Espanola, 
which extends six hundred leagues, and I con- 
quered it and made it tributary ; and I discov- 



DEED OF ENTAIL 85 

ered many islands inhabited by cannibals, 
and seven hundred to the west of Espanola, 
among which is Jamaica, which we call Santi- 
ago ; and three hundred and thirty - three 
leagues of continent from south to west, besides 
a hundred and seven to the north, which I dis- 
covered in my first voyage ; together with 
many islands, as may more clearly be seen by 
my letters, memorials, and maritime charts. 
And as we hope in God that before long a 
good and great revenue will be derived from 
the above islands and continent, of which, for 
the reasons aforesaid, belong to me the tenth 
and the eighth, with the salaries and emolu- 
ments specified above ; and considering that 
we are mortal, and that it is proper for every 
one to settle his affairs, and to leave declared 
to his heirs and successors the property he 
possesses or may have a right to : Wherefore 
I have concluded to create an entailed estate 
[inayorazgo) out of the said eighth of the lands, 
places and revenues, in the manner which I 
now proceed to state : 

In the first place, I am to be succeeded by 



S6 DEED OF ENTAIL 

Don Diego, my son, who in case of death with- 
out children is to be succeeded by my other 
son, Ferdinand ; and should God dispose of 
him also without leaving children, and without 
my having any other son, then my brother, 
Don Bartholomew, is to succeed ; and after 
him his eldest son ; and if God should dispose 
of him without heirs, he shall be succeeded by 
his sons from one to another for ever ; or, in 
the failure of a son, to be succeeded by Don 
Ferdinand, after the same manner, from son to 
son successively ; or in their place by my 
brothers Bartholomew and Diego. And 
should it please the Lord that the estate, 
after having continued some time in the line 
of any of the above successors, should stand in 
need of an immediate and lawful male heir, the 
succession shall then devolve to the nearest 
relation, being a man of legitimate birth, and 
bearing the name of Columbus derived from 
his father and his ancestors. This entailed 
estate shall in nowise be inherited by a wo- 
man, except in case that no male is to be 
found, either in this or any other quarter of the 



DEED OF ENTAIL 8/ 

world, of my real lineage, whose name, as 
well as that of his ancestors, shall have always 
been Columbus. In such an event (which may 
God forefend), then the female of legitimate 
birth most nearly related to the preceding 
possessor of the estate, shall succeed to it ; 
and this is to be under the conditions herein 
stipulated at foot, which must be understood 
to extend as well to Don Diego, my son, as to 
the aforesaid and their heirs, every one of them, 
to be fulfilled by them ; and failing to do so 
they are to be deprived of the succession for 
not having complied with what shall herein be 
expressed ; and the estate to pass to the per- 
son most nearly related to the one who held 
the right : and the person thus succeeding shall 
in like manner forfeit the estate, should he also 
fail to comply with said conditions ; and an- 
other person, the nearest of my lineage, shall 
succeed, provided he abide by them, so that 
they may be observed for ever in the form pre- 
scribed. This forfeiture is not to be incurred 
for trifling matters, originating in lawsuits, but 
in important cases, when the glory of God, or 



88 DEED OF ENTAIL 

my own, or that of my family, may be con- 
cerned,- which supposes a perfect fulfihnent of 
all the things hereby ordained ; all which I 
recommend to the courts of justice. And I 
supplicate his Holiness, who now is, and those 
that may succeed in the holy Church, that if it 
should happen that this, my will and testa- 
ment, has need of his holy order and command 
for its fulfilment, that such order be issued in 
virtue of obedience, and under penalty of ex- 
communication, and that it shall not be in any 
wisQ, disfigured. And I also pray the King and 
Queen, our sovereigns, and their eldest-born. 
Prince Don Juan, our lord, and their succes- 
sors, for the sake of the services I have done 
them, and because it is just, and that it may 
please them not to permit this my will and 
constitution of mf entailed estate to be any 
way altered, but to leave it in the form and 
manner wdiich I have ordained, for ever, for 
the greater glory of the Almighty, and that it 
may be the root and basis of my lineage, and 
a memento of the services I have rendered their 
Highnesses ; that, being born in Genoa, I came 



DEED OF ENTAIL 89 

over to serve them in Castile, and discovered, 
to the west of terra firma, the Indias and isl- 
ands before mentioned. I accordingly pray 
their Highnesses to order that this, my privi- 
lege and testament, be held valid, and be exe- 
cuted summarily, and without any opposition 
or demur, according to the letter. I also pray 
the grandees of the realm, and the lords of the 
council, and all others having administration 
of justice, to be pleased not to suffer this my 
will and testament to be of no avail, but to 
cause it to be fulfilled as by me ordained ; it 
being just that a noble, who has served the 
King and Queen, and the kingdom, should be 
respected in the disposition of his estate by 
will, testament, institution of entail or inherit- 
ance, and that the same be not infringed either 
in whole or in part. 

In the first place, my son Don Diego, and all 
my successors and descendants, as well as my 
brothers Bartholomew and Diego, shall bear 
my arms, such as I shall leave them after my 
days, without inserting any thing else in them ; 
and they shall be their seal to seal withal. 



go DEED OF ENTAIL 

Don Diego my son, or any other who may in- 
herit this estate, on coming into possession of 
the inheritance, shall sign with the signature 
which I now make use of, which is an X with 
an S over it, and an M with a Roman A over 
it, and over that an S, and then a Greek Y, 
with an S over it, with its lines and points as 
is my custom, as may be seen by my signa- 
tures, of which there are many, and it will be 
seen by the present one. 

He shall only write "the Admiral," what- 
ever other titles the King may have conferred 
on him. This is to be understood as respects 
his signature, but not the enumeration of his 
titles, which he can make at full length if agree- 
able, only the signature is to be ''the Admiral." 

The said Don Diego, or any other inheritor 
of this estate, shall possess my offices of Ad- 
miral of the ocean, which is to the west of an 
imaginary line, which his Highness ordered to 
be drawn, running from pole to pole a hundred 
leagues beyond the Azores, and as many more 
beyond the Cape de Verd Islands, over all 
which I was made, by their order, their Ad- 



DEED OF ENTAIL 9I 

miral of the sea, with all the preeminences 
held by Don Henrique in the Admiralty of Cas- 
tile, and they made me their Governor and 
Viceroy perpetually and for ever, over all the 
islands and mainland discovered, or to be dis- 
covered, for myself and heirs, as is more fully 
shown by my treaty and privilege as above 
mentioned. 

Item. The said Don Diego, or any other 
inheritor of this estate, shall distribute the rev- 
enue which it may please our Lord to grant 
him, in the following manner, under the above 
penalty: 

First — Of the whole income of this estate, 
now and at all times, and of whatever may be 
had or collected from it, he shall give the fourth 
part of it to my brother, Don Bartholomew 
Columbus, Adelantado of the Indies; and this 
is to continue till he shall have acquired an in- 
come of a million of maravedises* for his sup- 
port, and for the services he has rendered and 
will continue to render to this entailed estate; 

* Approximately thirty-five hundred dollars, equivalent 
at the time to between ten and twelve thousand dollars. 



92 DEED OF ENTAIL 

which milHon he is to receive, as stated, every 
year, if the said fourth amount to so much, and 
that he have nothing else; but if he possess a 
part or the whole of that amount in rents, that 
thenceforth he shall not enjoy the said million, 
nor any part of it, except that he shall have in 
the said fourth part unto the said quantity of a 
million, if it should amount to so much; and as 
much as he shall have a revenue besides this 
fourth part, wdiatever sum of maravedises of 
known rent from property or perpetual offices, 
the said quantity of rent or revenue from prop- 
erty or offices shall be discounted; and from 
the said million shall be reserved whatever mar- 
riage-portion he may receive w^'th any female 
he may espouse; so that whatever he may re- 
ceive in marriage with his wife, no deduction 
shall be made on that account from said mil- 
lion, but only for whatever he may acquire or 
may have over and above his wife's dowry; and 
when it shall please God that he or his heirs 
and descendants shall derive from their prop- 
erty and offices a revenue of a million arising 
from rents, neither he nor his heirs shall enjoy 



DEED OF ENTAIL 93 

any longer anything from the said fourth part 
of the entailed estate, which shall remain with 
Don Diego, or whoever may inherit it. 

Item. From the revenues of the said estate, 
or from any other fourth part of it (should its 
amount be adequate to it), shall be paid every 
year to my son Ferdinand two millions, till 
such time as his revenue shall amount to two 
millions, in the same form and manner as in 
the case of Bartholomew, who, as well as his 
heirs, are to have the million or the part that 
may be wanting. 

Item. The said Don Diego or Don Bartholo- 
mew shall make out of the said estate, for my 
brother Diego, such provision as may enable 
him to live decently, as he is my brother, to 
whom I assign no particular sum, as he has at- 
tached himself to the Church, and that will be 
given him which is right; and this to be given 
him in a mass, and before anything shall have 
been received by Ferdinand my son, or Bar- 
tholomew my brother, or their heirs, and also 
according to the amount of the income of the 
estate. And in case of discord, the case is to 



94 DEED OF ENTAIL 

be referred to two of our relations, or other 
men of honor; and should they disagree among 
themselves, they will choose a third person as 
arbitrator, being virtuous and not distrusted by 
either party. 

Item. All this revenue which I bequeath to 
Bartholomew, to Ferdinand, and to Diego, 
shall be delivered to and received by them as 
prescribed under the obligation of being faith- 
ful and loyal to Diego my son, or his heirs, 
they as well as their children; and should it 
appear that they, or any of them had proceed- 
ed against him in anything touching his honor, 
or the prosperity of the family, or of the estate, 
either in word or deed, whereby might come a 
scandal and debasement to my family, and a 
detriment to my estate; in that case, nothing 
farther shall be given to them or him, from that 
time forward, inasmuch as they are always to 
be faithful to Diego and to his successors. 

Item. As it was my intention, when I first 
instituted this entailed estate, to dispose, or 
that my son Diego should dispose for me, of 
the tenth part of the income in favor of neces- 



DEED OF ENTAIL 95 

sitoLis persons, as a tithe, and in commemora- 
tion of the ahnighty and eternal God; and per- 
sisting still in this opinion, and hoping that his 
High Majesty will assist me, and those who 
may inherit it, in this or the new world, I have 
resolved that the said tithe shall be paid in the 
manner following: 

First — It is to be understood that the fourth 
part of the revenue of the estate which I have 
ordained and directed to be given to Don Bar- 
tholomew, till he have an income of one million, 
includes the tenth of the whole revenue of the 
estate ; and that as in proportion as the income 
of my brother Don Bartholomew shall increase, 
as it has to be discounted from the revenue of the 
fourth part of the entailed estate, that the said 
revenue shall be calculated, to know how much 
the tenth part amounts to; and the part which 
exceeds what is necessary to make up the mil- 
lion for Don Bartholomew shall be received by 
such of my family as may most stand in need 
of it, discounting it from the said tenth, if their 
income do not amount to fifty thousand mara- 
vedises; and should any of these come to have 



g6 DEED OF ENTAIL 

an income to this amount, such a part shall be 
awarded them as two persons, chosen for the 
purpose, may determine, along with Don Diego 
or his heirs. Thus, it is to be understood that 
the million which I leave to Don Bartholomew 
comprehends the tenth o{ the whole revenue oi 
the estate; which revenue is to be distributed 
among my nearest and most needy relations in 
the manner I ha\-e directed; and when Don 
Bartholomew has an income of one million, and 
that nothing more shall be due to him on ac- 
couRt of said fourth part, then Don Diego, my 
son. or the persons which I shall herein point 
out, shall inspect the accounts, and so direct 
that the tenth oi the revenue shall still continue 
to be paid to the most necessitous members o{ 
ni}' famil\' that ma}' be found in this or an\' 
other quarter of the world, who shall diligently 
be sought out; and the\- are to be paid out of 
the fourth part from which Don 1-lartholomew 
is to derive his million; which sums are to be 
taken into account, and deducted from the said 
tenth, which, should it amount to more, the 
overplus, as it arises from the fourth part, shall 



DEED OF ENTAIL 9/ 

be g"ivcn to the most necessitous persons as 
aforesaid; and, should it not be sufficient, that 
Don Bartholomew shall have it until his own 
estate goes on increasing, leaving the said mil- 
lion in part or in the whole. 

Item. The said Don Diego my son, or who- 
ever may be the inheritor, shall appoint two 
persons of conscience and authority, and most 
nearly related to the famity, who are to exam- 
ine the revenue and its amount carefully, and 
to cause the said tenth to be paid out of the 
fourtli from which Don l^artholomew is to re- 
ceive his million, to the most necessitated 
members of my family that may be found here 
or elsewhere, whom they shall look for dili- 
gently upon their consciences; and as it might 
happen that said Don Diego, or others after 
him, for reasons which may concern their own 
welfare, or the credit and support of the estate, 
may be unwilling to make known the full 
amount of the income; nevertheless I charge 
him on his conscience to pay the sum afore- 
said; and I charge them on their souls and 
consciences not to denounce or make it known, 



98 DEED OF ENTAIL 

except with the consent of Don Diego, or the 
person that may succeed him; but let the above 
tithe be paid in the manner I have directed. 

Item. In order to avoid all disputes in the 
choice of the two nearest relations who are to 
act with Don Diego or his heirs, I hereby elect 
Don Bartholomew, my brother, for one, and 
Don Fernando, my son, for the other; and when 
these two shall enter upon the business they 
shall choose two other persons among the most 
trusty, and most nearly related, and these 
again shall elect two others when it shall be 
question of commencing the examination; and 
thus it shall be managed with diligence from 
one to the other, as well in this as in the other 
of government, for the service and glory of 
God, and the benefit of the said entailed estate. 

Item. I also enjoin Diego, or any one that 
may inherit the estate, to have and maintain 
in the city of Genoa one person of our line- 
age to reside there with his wife, and ap- 
point him a sufficient revenue to enable him to 
live decently, as a person closely connected 
with the family, of which he is to be the root 



DEED OF ENTAIL 99 

and basis in that city; from which great good 
may accrue to him, inasmuch as I was born 
there, and came from thence. 

Item. The said Don Diego, or whoever 
shall inherit the estate, must remit in bills, or 
in any other way, all such sums as he may be 
able to save out of the revenue of the estate, 
and direct purchases to be made in his name, 
or that of his heirs, in a fund in the Bank of 
St. George, "" which gives an interest of six per 
cent, and is secure money; and this shall be de- 
voted to the purpose I am about to explain. 

Item. As it becomes every man of rank and 
property to serve God, either personally or by 
means of his wealth, and as all moneys depos- 
ited with St. George are quite safe, and Genoa 
is a noble city, and powerful by sea, and as at 
the time that I undertook to set out upon that 
discovery of the Indias, it was with the inten- 
tion of supplicating the King and Queen, our 
lords, that whatever moneys should be derived \ 
from the said Indias should be invested in the 
conquest of Jerusalem; and as I did so suppli- 
* The great financial corporation of Genoa. 



lOO DEED OF ENTAIL 

cate them ; if they do this, it will be well ; if not, 
at all events the said Diego, or such person as 
may succeed him in this trust, to collect to- 
gether all the money he can, and accompany 
the King our lord, should he go to the conquest 
of Jerusalem, or else go there himself with all 
the force he can command; and in pursuing 
this intention, it will please the Lord to assist 
toward the accomplishment of the plan; and 
should he not be able to effect the conquest of 
the whole, no doubt he will achieve it in part. 
Let' him therefore collect and make a fund of 
all his wealth in St. George of Genoa, and let 
it multiply there till such time as it may appear 
to him that something of consequence may be 
effected as respects the project on Jerusalem; 
for I believe that when their Highnesses shall see 
that this is contemplated, they will wish to real- 
ize it themselves, or will afford him, as their ser- 
vant and vassal, the means of doing it for them. 
Item. I charge my son Diego and my de- 
scendants, especially whoever may inherit this 
estate, which consists, as aforesaid, of the tenth 
of whatsoever may be had or found in the In- 



DEED OF ENTAIL lOI 

dias, and the eighth part of the lands and rents, 
all which, together with my rignts and emolu- 
ments as Admiral, Viceroy and Governor, 
amount to more than twenty-five per cent — I 
say, that I require of him to employ all this rev- 
enue, as well as his person and all the means 
in his power, in well and faithfully serving and 
supporting their Highnesses, or their succes- 
sors, even to the loss of life and property; since 
it was their Highnesses, next to God, who first 
gave me the means of getting and achieving 
this property, although, it is true, I came over 
these realms to invite them to the enterprise, 
and that a long time elapsed before any provis- 
ion was made for carrying it into execution; 
which, however, is not surprising, as this was 
an undertaking of which all the world was ig- 
norant, and no one had any faith in it; where- 
fore I am by so much the more indebted to 
them, as well as because they have since also 
much favored and promoted me. 

Item. I also require of Diego, or wdioso- 
ever may be in possession of the estate, that in 
the case of any schism taking place in the 



I02 DEED OF ENTAIL 

Church of God, or that any person of whatever 
class or condition should attempt to despoil it 
of its property and honors, they hasten to offer 
at the feet of his holiness, that is, if they are not 
heretics (which God forbid), their persons, pow- 
er and wealth, for the purpose of suppressing 
such schism, and preventing any spoliation of 
the honor and property of the Church. 

Item. I command the said Diego, or who- 
ever may possess the said estate, to labor and 
strive for the honor, welfare and aggrandize- 
ment of the city of Genoa, and to make use of 
all his power and means in defending and en- 
hancing the good and credit of that republic, 
in all things not contrary to the service of the 
Church of God, or the high dignity of the King 
and Queen, our lords, and their successors. 

Item. The said Diego, or whoever may pos- 
sess or succeed to the estate, out of the fourth 
part of the whole revenue, from which, as afore- 
said, is to be taken the tenth, when Don Bar- 
tholomew or his heirs shall have saved the two 
millions, or part of them, and when the time 
shall come of making a distribution among our 



DEED OF ENTAIL 103 

relations, shall apply and invest the said tenth 
in providing marriages for such daughters of 
our lineage as may require it, and in doing all 
the good in their power. 

Item. When a suitable time shall arrive, he 
shall order a church to be built in the island of 
Espanola, and in the most convenient spot, 
to be called Santa Maria de la Concepcion; to 
which is to be annexed an hospital, upon the 
best possible plan, like those of Italy and Cas- 
tile, and a chapel be erected to say mass in for 
the good of my soul, and those of my ances- 
tors and successors with great devotion, since 
no doubt it will please the Lord to give us a 
sufficient revenue for this and the aforemen- 
tioned purposes. 

Item. I also order Diego my son, or whoso- 
ever may inherit after him, to spare no pains 
in having and maintaining in the island of Es- 
panola, four good professors of theology, to 
the end and aim of their studying and laboring 
to convert to our holy faith the inhabitants of 
the Indies; and in proportion as, by God's will 
the revenue of the estate shall increase, in the 



I04 DEED OF ENTAIL 

same degree shall the number of teachers and 
devout persons increase, who are to strive to 
make Christians of the natives; in attaining 
which no expense should be thought too great. 
And in commemoration of all that I hereby or- 
dain, and of the foregoing, a monument of mar- 
ble shall be erected in the said Church of la 
Concepcion, in the most conspicuous place, to 
serve as a record of what I here enjoin on the 
said Diego, as well as to other persons who may 
look upon it; which marble shall contain an in- 
scription to the same effect. 

Item. I also require of Diego my son, and 
whosoever may succeed him in the estate, 
that every time, and as often as he confesses, 
he first show his obligation, or a copy of it, to 
the confessor, praying him to read it through, 
that he may be enabled to inquire respecting 
its fulfillment; from which will redound great 
good and happiness to his soul. 

Seville, February 22, 1498. 

S. 
S A S 
X M Y 
EL ALMIRANTE. 



LETTER TO FERDINAND AND ISABELLA I05 



LETTER TO FERDINAND AND 
ISABELLA* 

1\ /r OST serene and most exalted and power- 
^^ -^ ful Princes, the King and Queen, our Sov- 
ereigns: The Blessed Trinity moved your High- 
nesses to the encouragement of this enterprise 
to the Indies, and of its infinite goodness has 
made me your messenger therein; as ambassa- 
dor for which undertaking I approached your 
royal presence, moved by the consideration that 
I was appealing to the most exalted monarchs 
in Christendom, who exercised so great an in- 
fluence over the Christian faith and its ad- 
vancement in the world; those who heard of it 
looked upon it as impossible, for they fixed all 

* Describing his third voyage to America, for which he 
sailed May 30, 1498. He reached San Domingo on August 
30th of the same year, and must have written this account 
either immediately before or after that date, and despatch- 
ed it to Spain. The translation is by R. H. Major, and is 
printed in his Select Letters of Christopher Colicnibiis, . . . 
London, 1848. The original text is in Navarrete's Colec- 
cion de los Viages, . . . Madrid, 1825. 



I06 LETTER TO 

their hopes on the favors of fortune, and pin- 
ned their faith solely upon chance. I gave to 
the subject six or seven years of great anxiety,* 
explaining, to the best of my ability, how 
great service might be done to our Lord by 
this undertaking, in promulgating His sacred 
name and our holy faith among so many na- 
tions — an enterprise so exalted in itself, and 
so calculated to enhance the glory and immor- 
talize the renown of the greatest sovereigns. 
It was also requisite to refer to the temporal 
prosperity which was foretold in the writings 
of so many trustworthy and wise historians, 
who related that great riches were to be found 
in these parts. And at the same time I thought 
it desirable to bring to bear upon the subject 
the sayings and opinions of those who have 
written upon the geography of the world. And, 
finally, your Highnesses came to the determi- 
nation that the undertaking should be entered 
upon. In this your Highnesses exhibited the 
noble spirit which has been always manifested 

* Columbus first applied to Spain in 1485. 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 10/ 

by you on every subject; for all others who 
had thought of the matter, or heard it spoken 
of, unanimously treated it with contempt, with 
the exception of two friars,^ who always re- 
mained constant in their belief of its practica- 
bility. I, myself, in spite of fatiguing opposi- 
tion, felt sure that the enterprise would, 
nevertheless, prosper, and continue equally 
confident of it to this day, because it is a truth 
that, though everything will pass away, the 
Word of God will not; and I believe that every 
prospect which I hold out will be accomplish- 
ed; for it was clearly predicted concerning 
these lands, by the mouth of the prophet 
Isaiah, in many places in Scripture, that from 
Spain the holy name of God was to be spread 
abroad. Thus I departed in the name of 
the Holy Trinity, and returned very soon, 
bringing with me an account of the practi- 
cal fulfilment of everything I had said. Your 
Highnesses again sent me out, and in a short 

* Fray Juan Perez de Marchena, a Franciscan, keeper of 
the Convent of de la Rabida, and Fray Diego de Deza, a 
Dominican. 



I08 LETTER TO 

space of time, by God's mercy, not by* I dis- 
covered three hundred and thirty-three leagues 
of terra firma on the eastern side,t and seven hun- 
dred islands, besides those which I discovered 
on the first voyage; I also succeeded in circum- 
navigating the island of Espanola, which is 
larger in circumference than all Spain, the in- 
habitants of which are countless, and all of 
whom may be laid under tribute. It was then 
that complaints arose, disparaging the enter- 
prise that I had undertaken, because, forsooth, 
I had not immediately sent the ships home 
laden with gold — no allowance being made for 
the shortness of the time, and all the other 
impediments of which I have already spoken. 
On this account (either as a punishment of 
my sins, or, as I trust, for my salvation) I was 
held in detestation, and had obstacles placed 
in the way of everything I said, or for which I 
petitioned. I therefore resolved to apply to 
your Highnesses, to inform you of all the won- 

* A blank occurs in the MS. 

f Columbus here confused the island of Cuba with the 
main coast, which he did not see till the present voyage. 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA IO9 

derful events that I had experienced, and to 
explain the reason of every proposition that I 
made, making reference to the nations that 
I had seen, among whom, and by whose in- 
strumentality, many souls may be saved. I re- 
lated how the natives of Espanola had been laid 
under tribute to your Highnesses, and regard- 
ed you as their sovereigns. And I laid before 
your Highnesses abundant samples of gold and 
copper — proving the existence of extensive 
mines of those metals. I also laid before your 
Highnesses many sorts of spices, too numerous 
to detail; and I spoke of the great quantity 
of brazil-wood, and numberless other articles 
found in those lands. All this was of no avail 
with some persons, who began, with deter- 
mined hatred, to speak ill of the enterprise, 
not taking into account the service done to 
our Lord in the salvation of so many souls, nor 
the enhancement of your Highnesses' great- 
ness to a higher pitch than any earthly prince 
has yet enjoyed; nor considering that, from 
the exercise of your Highnesses' goodness, 
and the expense incurred, both spiritual and 



no LETTER TO 

temporal advantage was to be expected, and 
that Spain must in the process of time derive 
from thence, beyond all doubt, an unspeakable 
increase of wealth. This might be manifestly 
seen by the evidences already given in writing 
in the descriptions of the voyages already 
made, which also prove that the fulfilment of 
every other hope may be reasonably expected. 
Nor were they affected by the consideration of 
what great princes throughout the world have 
done to increase their fame: as, for example, 
Salomon, who sent from Jerusalem to the ut- 
termost parts of the east, to see Mount Sopora, 
in which expedition his ships were detained 
three years; and which mountain your High- 
nesses now possess in the island of Espaiiola. 
Nor, as in the case of Alexander, who sent to 
observe the mode of government in the island 
of Taprobana, in India; and Caesar Nero, to 
explore the sources of the Nile, and to learn 
the causes of its increase in the spring, when 
water is needed; and many other mighty deeds 
that princes have done, and which it is allotted 
to princes to achieve. Nor was it of any avail 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA III 

that no prince of Spain, as far as I have read, 
has ever hitherto gained possession of land out 
of Spain; and that the world of which I speak 
is different from that in which the Romans, and 
Alexander, and the Greeks made mighty ef- 
forts with great armies to gain the possession 
of. Nor have they been affected by the recent 
noble example of the kings of Portugal, who 
have had the courage to explore as far as 
Guinea, and to make the discovery of it, ex- 
pending so much gold and so many lives in the 
und'^irtaking that a calculation of the popula- 
tion of the kingdom would show that one-half 
of them have died in Guinea: and though it is 
now a long time since they commenced these 
great exertions, the return for their labor and 
expense has hitherto been but trifling; this 
people has also dared to make conquests in 
Africa, and to carry on their exploits to Ceuta, 
Tangier, and Alcazar, repeatedly giving battle 
to the Moors, and all this at great expense, 
simply because it was an exploit worthy of a 
prince, undertaken for the service of God and 
to advance the enlargement of His kingdom. 



112 LETTER TO 

The more I said on the subject the more two- 
fold was reproach cast upon it, even to the ex- 
pression of abhorrence, no consideration being 
given to the honor and fame that accrued to 
your Highnesses throughout all Christendom, 
from your Highnesses' having undertaken this 
enterprise; so that there was neither great 
nor small who did not desire to hear tidings 
of it. Your Highnesses replied to me en- 
couragingly, and desired that I should pay 
no regard to those who spoke ill of the un- 
dertaking, inasmuch as they had received no 
authority or countenance whatever from your 
Highnesses. 

I started from San Lucar, in the name of the 
most Holy Trinity, on Wednesday, the 30th of 
May, much fatigued with my voyage, for I had 
hoped, when I left the Indies, to find repose in 
Spain; whereas, on the contrary, I experienced 
nothing but opposition and vexation. I sailed 
to the island of Madeira by a circuitous route, 
in order to avoid any encounter with an armed 
fleet from France, which was on the lookout 
for me off Cape St. Vincent. Thence I went 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA II3 

to the Canaries, from which islands I sailed 
with but one ship and two caravels, having dis- 
patched the other ships to Espanola by the di- 
rect road to the Indies; while I myself moved 
southw^ard, with the view of reaching the equi- 
noctial line, and of then proceeding westward, 
so as to leave the island of Espanola to the 
north. But having reached the Cape Verd 
Islands (an incorrect name, for they are so bar- 
ren that nothing green was to be seen there, 
and the people so sickly that I did not venture 
to remain among them), I sailed away four 
hundred and eighty miles, which is equivalent 
to a hundred and twenty leagues, toward the 
southwest, w^here, when it grew dark, I found 
the north star to be in the fifth degree. The wind 
then failed me, and I entered a climate where 
the intensity of the heat was such that I thought 
both ships and men would have been burned up, 
and everything suddenly got into such a state 
of confusion that no man dared go below deck 
to attend to the securing of the w^ater-cask and 
the provisions. This heat lasted eight days; 
on the first day the weather was fine, but on 



TI4 li:tti:r to 

the seven other da\-s it rained and was cloud)-, 
}et we found no alleviation of our distress; so 
that I certainly believe that if the sun had 
shone as on the first day, we should not have 
been able to escape in an}- way. 

I recollect that, in sailing- toward the Indies. 
as soon as I passed a hundred leagues to the 
westward of the Azores, I found the tempera- 
ture change : and this is so all along- from 
north to south. I determined, therefore, if it 
should please the Lord to give me a favorable 
wind and good weather, so that I might leave 
the part where I then was, that I would give up 
pursuing the southward course, >-et not turn 
backward, but sail toward the west, moving in 
that direction in the hope of finding the same 
temperature that I had experienced when I 
sailed in the parallel of the Canaries, and then, 
if it proved so. I should still be able to proceed 
more to the south. At the end of these eight 
da\s it pleased our Lord to gi\e me a favor- 
able east wind, and I steered to the west, but 
did not venture to move lower down toward 
the south, because I discovered a ver\- great 



FKRHINAND AND 1SARK1,1,A II5 

clKini;"c in tlic sky aiul tlic stars, although 1 
found no alteration in the temperature. 1 re- 
solved, therefore, to keep on the direct west- 
ward course, in a line from Sierra Leone, and 
not to change on another tack, which I was 
very desirous to do, for the purpose of repair- 
ing the vessels, and of renewing, if possible, 
our stock of provisions, and taking in what 
water we wanted. At the end of seventeen 
da)'s, during which our Lord gave me a pro- 
pitious wind, we saw land at noon, of Tuesday, 
the 31st of July. This I had expected on the 
Monday before, and held that route up to this 
point ; but as the sun's strength increased, 
and our supph' of water was failing, I re- 
solved to make for the Caribee Islands, and 
set sail in that direction ; when, by the mercy 
of God, which He has always extended to me, 
one of the sailors"^' went up to the maintop, 
and saw to the ^^'estward a range of three 
mountains. L^pon this we repeated the " Salve 



*Navarrete states that this was a servant of Columbus 
named Alonzo Perez. 



Il6 LETTER TO 

Regina," and other prayers, and all of us gave 
many thanks to our Lord. I then gave up our 
northward course, and put in for the land : at 
the hour of complines we reached a cape, 
which I called Cape Galea, ^ having already 
given to the island the name of Trinidad, and 
here we found a harbor, which would have 
been excellent, but there was no good anchor- 
age. We saw houses and people on the spot, 
and the country around was very beautiful, 
and as fresh and green as the gardens of Va- 
lencia in the month of March. I was disap- 
pointed at not being able to put into the har- 
bor, and ran along the coast to the westward. 
After sailing five leagues I found very good 
bottom, and anchored. The next day I set 
sail in the same direction, in search of a har- 
bor where I might repair the vessels and take 
in water, as well as improve the stock of pro- 
visions which I had brought out with me. 
When we had taken in a pipe of water, we pro- 

* Cape Galeota, the southeastern point of Trinidad. 
It was now that Columbus first saw the main coast of 
America. 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA ii; 

ceeded onward till we reached the cape, and 
there, finding good anchorage and protection 
from the east wind, I ordered the anchors to 
b.e dropped, the water-cask to be repaired, a 
supply of water and wood to be taken in, and 
the people to rest themselves from the fatigues 
which they had endured for so long a time. I 
gave to this point the name of Sandy Point 
{Ptmta del Arcual). All the ground in the 
neighborhood was filled with foot-marks of 
animals, like the impression of the foot of a 
goat ; but although it would have appeared 
from this circumstance that they were very 
numerous, only one was seen, and that was 
dead. On the following day a large canoe 
came from the eastward, containing twenty- 
four men, all in the prime of life, and well pro- 
vided with arms, such as bows, arrows, and 
wooden shields ; they were all, as I have said, 
young, well-proportioned, and not dark black,' 
but whiter than any other Indians that I had 
seen, of very graceful gesture, and handsome 
forms, wearing their hair long and straight, 
and cut in the Spanish style. Their heads' 



Il8 LETTER TO 

were bound round with cotton scarfs elabor- 
ately worked in colors, which resembled the 
Moorish head-dresses. Some of these scarfs 
were worn round the body and used as a cov- 
ering in lieu of trousers. The natives spoke to 
us from the canoe while it was yet at a consid- 
erable distance, but none of us could under- 
stand them ; I made signs to them, however, 
to come nearer to us, and more than two hours 
were spent in this manner ; but if by any chance 
they moved a little nearer, they soon pushed 
off again. I caused basins and other shining 
objects to be shown to them to tempt them to 
come near ; and after a long time they came 
somewhat nearer than they had hitherto done, 
upon which, as I was anxious to speak with 
them, and had nothing else to show them to 
induce them to approach, I ordered a drum to 
be played upon the quarter-deck, and some of 
our young men to dance, believing the Indians 
would come to see the amusement. No 
sooner, however, did they perceive the beating 
of the drum and the dancing, than they all left 
their oars, and strung their bows, and each 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA IIQ 

man laying hold of his shield, they commenced 
discharging their arrows at us ; upon this, the 
music and dancing soon ceased, and I ordered 
a charge to be made from some of our cross- 
bows ; they then left us, and went rapidly to the 
other caravel, and placed themselves under its 
poop. The pilot of that vessel received them 
courteously, and gave to the man who appeared 
to be their chief a coat and hat ; and it was then 
arranged between them that he should go to 
speak with him on shore. Upon this the In- 
dians immediately went thither and waited for 
him ; but as he would not go without my per- 
mission, he came to my ship in the boat, where- 
upon the Indians got into their canoe again 
and went away, and I never saw any more of 
them or of any of the other inhabitants of the 
island. When I reached the point of Arenal, 
I found that the island of Trinidad formed with 
the land of Gracia a strait of two leagues' 
width from east to west,^ and as we had to 
pass through it to go to the north, we found 

* This was the Gulf of Paria, and the currents were oc- 
casioned by the river Orinoco, which empties into it. 



I20 LETTER TO 

some strong currents which crossed the strait, 
and which made a great roaring, so that I con- 
cluded there must be a reef of sand or rocks, 
which would preclude our entrance ; and be- 
hind this current was another and another, all 
making a roaring noise like the sound of 
breakers against the rocks. I anchored there, 
under the said point of Arenal, outside of the 
strait, and found the water rush from east to 
west with as much impetuosity as that of the 
Guadalquivir at its conflux with the sea ; and 
this continued constantly day and night, so 
that it appeared to be impossible to move 
backward for the current or forward for the 
shoals. In the dead of night, while I was on 
deck, I heard an awful roaring that came from 
the south, toward the ship ; I stopped to ob- 
serve what it might be, and I saw the sea roll- 
ing from west to east like a mountain, as high 
as the ship, and approaching by little and 
little; on the top of this rolling sea came a 
mighty wave roaring with a frightful noise, 
and with all this terrific uproar were other con- 
flicting currents, producing, as I have already 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 121 

said, a sound as of breakers upon the rocks. 
To this day I have a vivid recollection of the 
dread I then felt, lest the ship might founder 
under the force of that tremendous sea ; but it 
passed by, and reached the mouth of the before- 
mentioned passage, where the uproar lasted 
for a considerable time. On the following day 
I sent out boats to take soundings, and found 
that in the strait, at the deepest part of the 
embouchure, there were six or seven fathoms 
of water, and that there were constant contrary 
currents, one running inward, and the other 
outward. It pleased the Lord, however, to 
give us a favorable wind, and I passed through 
the middle of the strait, after which I recovered 
my tranquillity. The men happened at this 
time to draw up some water from the sea, 
which, strange to say, proved to be fresh. I 
then sailed northward till I came to a very 
high mountain, at about twenty-six leagues 
from the Punta del Arenal ; here two lofty 
headlands appeared, one toward the east, and 
forming part of the island of Trinidad, and the 
other, on the west, being part of the land 



122 LETTER TO 

which I have already called Gracia ; we found 
here a channel still narrower than that of 
Arenal, with similar currents, and a tremen- 
dous roaring of water ; the water here also was 
fresh. Hitherto I had held no communication 
with any of the people of this country, although 
I very earnestly desired it; I therefore sailed 
alono- the coast westward, and the further I 
advanced, the fresher and more wholesome I 
found the water ; and when I had proceeded a 
considerable distance, I reached a spot where 
the land appeared to be cultivated. There I 
anchored, and sent the boats ashore, and the 
men who went in them found the natives had 
already left the place ; they also observed that 
the mountain was covered with monkeys. 
They came back, and as the coast at that part 
presented nothing but a chain of mountains, I 
concluded that further west we should find the 
land flatter, and consequently in all probability 
inhabited. Actuated by this thought I weighed 
anchor, and ran along the coast until we came 
to the end of the Cordillera ; I then anchored at 
the mouth of a river, and we were soon visited 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA I23 

by a great number of the inhabitants, who in- 
formed us that the country was called Paria, 
and that further westward it was more fully 
peopled. I took four of these natives, and 
proceeded on my westward voyage, and when 
I had gone eight leagues further, I found on 
the other side of a point which I called the 
Needle, one of the most lovely countries in the 
world, and very thickly peopled ; it was 3 
o'clock in the morning when I reached it, and 
seeing its verdure and beauty, I resolved to 
anchor there and communicate with the in- 
habitants. Some of the natives soon came out 
to the ship, in canoes, to beg me, in the name 
of their King, to go on shore; and when they 
saw that I paid no attention to them, they 
came to the ship in their canoes in countless 
numbers, many of them wearing pieces of gold 
on their breasts, and some with bracelets of 
pearls on their arms ; on seeing which I was 
much delighted, and made many inquiries, 
with the view of learning where they found 
them. They informed me that they were to 
be procured in their own neighborhood, and 



124 LETTER TO 

also at a spot to the northward of that place. 
I would have remained here, but the provisions 
of corn, and wine, and meats, which I had 
brought out with so much care for the people 
whom I had left behind, were nearly wasted, 
so that all my anxiety was to get them into a 
place of safety, and not to stop for any thing. 
I wished, however, to get some of the pearls 
that I had seen, and with that view sent the 
boats on shore. The natives are very numer- 
ous, and for the most part handsome in person, 
aud of the same color as the Indians we had 
already seen ; they are, moreover, very tract- 
able, and received our men who went on shore 
most courteously, seeming very well disposed 
toward us. These men relate, that when the 
boats reached shore, two of the chiefs, whom 
they took to be father and son, came forward 
in advance of the mass of the people, and con- 
ducted them to a very large house with facades, 
and not round and tent-shaped as the other 
houses were ; in this house were many seats, 
on which they made our men sit down, they 
themselves sitting on other seats. They then 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA I25 

caused bread to be brought, with many kinds 
of fruits, and various sorts of wine, both white 
and red, not made of grapes, but apparently 
produced from different fruits. The most rea- 
sonable inference is, that they use maize, 
which is a plant that bears a spine like an ear 
of wheat, some of which I took with me from 
Spain, where it grows abundantly ; this they 
seem to regard as most excellent, and set a 
great value upon it. The men remained to- 
gether at one end of the house, and the women 
at the other. Great vexation was felt by both 
parties that they could not understand each 
other, for they were mutually anxious to make 
inquiries respecting each other's country. 
After our men had been entertained at the 
house of the elder Indian, the younger took 
them to his house, and gave them an equally 
cordial reception, after which they returned to 
their boats and came on board. I weighed 
anchor forthwith, for I was hastened by my 
anxiety to save the provisions, which were be- 
coming spoiled, and which I had procured and 
preserved with so much care and trouble, as 



126 LETTER TO 

well as to attend to my own health, which had 
been affected by long watching; and although 
on my former voyage, when I discovered terra 
firma, I passed thirty-three days without nat- 
ural rest, and was all that time deprived of 
sight, yet never were my eyes so much affect- 
ed or so painful as at this period. These peo- 
ple, as I have already said, are very graceful 
in form — tall, and elegant in their movements, 
wearing their hair very long and smooth ; they 
also bind their heads with handsome worked 
handkerchiefs, which, from a distance, look 
like silk or gauze; others use the same mate- 
rial in a longer form, wound round them so as 
to cover them like trousers, and this is done 
by both the men and the women. These peo- 
ple are of a whiter skin than any that I have 
seen in the Indies. It is the fashion among all 
classes to wear something at the breast, and 
on the arms, and many wear pieces of gold 
hanging low on the bosom. Their canoes are 
larger, lighter, and of better build than those 
of the islands which I have hitherto seen, and 
in the middle of each they have a cabin or 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 12/ 

room, which I found was occupied by the 
chiefs and their wives. I called this place 
"Jardines," that is, *' the Gardens," for the 
place and the people corresponded with that 
appellation. I made many inquiries as to 
where they found the gold, in reply to which, 
all of them directed me to an elevated tract of 
land at no great distance, on the confines of 
their own country, lying to the westward ; but 
they all advised me not to go there, for fear of 
being eaten, and at the time I imagined that 
by their description they wished to imply that 
they were cannibals who dwelt there, but I 
have since thought it possible that they meant 
merely to express that the country was. filled 
with beasts of prey. I also inquired of them 
where they obtained the pearls ? and in reply 
to this question likewise, they directed me to 
the westward, and also to the north, behind 
the country they occupied. I did not put this 
information to the test, on account of the pro- 
visions, and the weakness of my eyes, and be- 
cause the large ship that I had with me was 
not calculated for such an undertaking. The 



128 LETTER TO 

short time that I spent with them was all 
passed in putting questions ; and at evening, 
as I have already said, we returned to the 
ships, upon which I weighed anchor and sailed 
to the westward. I proceeded onward on the 
following day, until I found that we were only 
in three fathoms water ; at this time I was still 
under the idea that it was but an island, and 
that I should be able to make my exit by the 
north. Upon which I sent a light caravel in 
advance of us, to see whether there was any 
exit, or whether the passage was closed ; the 
caravel proceeded a great distance, until it 
reached a very large gulf, in which there ap- 
peared to be four smaller gulfs, from one of 
which debouched a large river ; they invari- 
ably found ground at five fathoms, and a great 
quantity of very fresh water ; indeed, I never 
tasted any equal to it. I felt great anxiety 
when I found that I could make no exit, either 
by the north, south, or west, but that I was 
enclosed on all three sides by land ; I there- 
fore weighed anchor, and sailed in a backward 
direction, with the hope of finding a passage to 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 129 

the north by the strait, which I have ah'eady 
described; but I could not return along the in- 
habited part where I had already been, on 
account of the currents, which drove me 
entirely out of my course. But constantly, at 
every headland, I found the water sweet and 
clear, and we were carried eastward very 
powerfully toward the two straits already 
mentioned ; I then conjectured that the cur- 
rents and the overwhelming mountains of 
water which rushed into these straits with 
such an awful roaring, arose from the contest 
between the fresh water and the sea. The 
fresh water struggled with the salt to oppose 
its entrance, and the salt contended against 
the fresh in its efforts to gain a passage out- 
ward. And I formed the conjecture, that at 
one time there was a continuous neck of land 
from the island of Trinidad and with the land 
of Gracia, where the two straits now are, as 
your Highnesses will see, by the drawing 
which accompanies this letter. I passed out 
by this northern strait, and found the fresh 
water came even there ; and when, by the aid 



130 LETTER TO 

of the wind, I was enabled to proceed, I re- 
marked, while on one of the watery billows 
which I have described, that in the channel 
the water on the inner side of the current was 
fresh, and on the outside salt. 

When I sailed from Spain to the Indies I 
found that, as soon as I had passed a hundred 
leagues westward of the Azores, there was a 
very great change in the sky and the stars, 
in the temperature of the air, and in the water 
of the sea; and I have been very diligent in 
observing these things. I remarked that from 
north to south in traversing these hundred 
leagues from the said islands, the needle of the 
compass, which hitherto had turned toward 
the northeast, turned a full quarter of the wind 
to the northwest, and this took place from the 
time when we reached that line. At the same 
time an appearance was presented as if the sea- 
shore had been transplanted thither, for we 
found the sea covered all over with a sort of 
weed resembling pine branches, and with fruits 
like that of the mastic tree, so thick that on my 
first voyage I thought it was a reef, and that 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA I3I 

the ships could not avoid running aground; 
but until I reached this line I did not meet 
with a single bough. I also observed that at 
this point the sea was very smooth, and that, 
though the wind was rough, the ships never 
rolled. I likewise found that within the same 
line toward the west the temperature was al- 
ways mild, and that it did not vary, summer or 
winter. While I was there I observed that the 
north star described a circle five degrees in 
diameter; that when its satellites are on the 
right side, then the star was at its lowest point, 
and from this point it continues until it reaches 
the left side, where it is also at five degrees, 
and then again it sinks until it at length returns 
to the right side. In this voyage I proceeded 
immediately from Spain to the island of Ma- 
deira, thence to the Canaries, and then to the 
Cape Verd Isles, and from the Cape Verd 
Isles I sailed southward, even below the equi- 
noctial line, as I have already described. When 
I reached the parallel of Sierra Leone, in Guinea, 
I found the heat so intense and the rays of the 
sun so fierce that I thought that we should 



132 LETTER TO 

have been burnt; and, although it rained, and 
the sky was heavy with clouds, I still suffered 
the same oppression until our Lord was pleased 
to grant me a favorable wind, giving me an 
opportunity of sailing to the west, so that I 
reached a latitude where I experienced, as I 
have already said, a change in the tempera- 
ture. Immediately upon my reaching this line 
the temperature of the sky became very mild, 
and the more I advanced the more this mild- 
ness increased; but I did not find the positions 
of the stars correspond with these effects. I 
remarked at this place that when night came 
on the polar star was five degrees high, and 
then the satellites were overhead; afterward, 
at midnight, I found the north star elevated 
ten degrees, and when morning was advancing, 
the satellites were fifteen feet below. I found 
the smoothness of the sea continue, but not so 
the weeds; as to the polar star, I watched it 
with great wonder, and devoted many nights 
to a careful examination of it with the quad- 
rant, and I always found that the lead and line 
fell to the same point. I look upon this as 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 133 

something new, and I think my opinion will 
be supported by that of others, and it is a short 
distance for so great a change to take place in 
the temperature. I have always read that the 
world, comprising the land and the water, was 
spherical, as is testified by the investigations 
of Ptolemy and others, who have proved it by 
the eclipses of the moon, and other observa- 
tions made from east to west, as well as by the 
elevation of the pole from north to south. But 
I have now seen so much irregularity, as I 
have already described, that I have come to 
another conclusion respecting the earth, name- 
ly: that it is not round, as they describe, but 
of the form of a pear, which is very round ex- 
cept where the stalk grows, at which part it is 
most prominent; or like a round ball, upon one 
part of which is a prominence like a woman's 
nipple, this protrusion being the highest and 
nearest the sky, situated under the equinoctial 
line, and at the eastern extremity of this sea— 
I call that the eastern extremity, where the 
land and the islands end. In confirmation of 
my opinion I revert to the arguments which I 



134 LETTER TO 

have above detailed respecting the line, which 
passes from north to south a hundred leagues 
westward of the Azores; for in sailing thence 
westward the ships went on rising smoothly 
toward the sky, and then the weather was felt 
to be milder, on account of which mildness the 
needle shifted one point of the compass; the 
further we went the more the needle moved to 
the northwest, this elevation producing the 
variation of the circle which the north star 
describes with its satellites; and the nearer I 
approached the equinoctial line the more they 
rose, and the greater was the difference be- 
tween these stars and their circles. Ptolemy 
and the other philosophers who have written 
upon the globe thought that it was spherical, 
believing that this hemisphere was round as well 
as that in which they themselves dwelt, the 
centre of which was in the island of Arin, which 
is under the equinoctial line between the Ara- 
bian Gulf and the Gulf of Persia; and the circle 
passes over Cape St. Vincent, in Portugal, 
westward and eastward, by Cangara and the 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 1 35 

Seras,* in which hemisphere I make no diffi- 
culty as to its being a perfect sphere, as they 
describe; but this western half of the world, I 
maintain, is like the half of a very round pear, 
having a raised projection for the stalk, as I 
have already described, or like a woman's nip- 
ple on a round ball. Ptolemy and the others 
who have written upon the globe had no in- 
formation respecting this part of the world, 
which was then unexplored; they only estab- 
lished their arguments with respect to their 
own hemisphere, which, as I have already said, 
is half of a perfect sphere. And now that your 
Hio-hnesses have commissioned me to make 
this voyage of discovery, the truths which I 
have stated are evidently proved, because in 
this voyage, when I was off the island of Har- 
gin,t and its vicinity, which is twenty degrees 
to the north of the equinoctial' line, I found the 

* Names for Japan and China, according to Major, but he 
evidently erred, for if this was so, Columbus must have 
reached the conclusion that he was not in the Indies, while 
he died firmly convinced that the lands were part of the 
East Indies. 

f Probably Arguin, on the African coast. 



136 LETTER TO 

people are black, and the land very much burnt ; 
and when after that I went to the Cape Verd 
Islands, I found the people there much darker 
still, and the more southward we went the 
more they approach the extreme of blackness; 
so that when I reached the parallel of Sierra 
Leone, where, as night came on, the north 
star rose five degrees, the people there were 
excessively black; and, as I sailed westward, 
the heat became extreme. But after I had 
passed the meridian or line which I have al- 
ready described, I found the climate becom.e 
gradually more temperate, so that when I 
reached the island of Trinidad, where the north 
star rose five degrees as night came on, there 
and in the land of Gracia I found the temper- 
ature exceedingly mild; the fields and the foli- 
age likewise were remarkably fresh and green, 
and as beautiful as the gardens of Valencia in 
April. The people there are very graceful in 
form, less dark than those whom I had before 
seen in the Indies, and wear their hair long and 
smooth; they are also more shrewd, intelligent 
and courageous. The sun was then in the sign 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA I37 

of Virgo, over our heads and theirs; therefore 
all this must proceed from the extreme bland- 
ness of the temperature, which arises, as I have 
said, from this country being the most elevated 
in the world, and the nearest to the sky. On 
these grounds, therefore, I affirm that the globe 
is not spherical, but that there is the difference 
in its form which I have described; the which 
is to be found in this hemisphere at the point 
where the Indies meet the ocean, the extrem- 
ity of the hemisphere being below the equinoc- 
tial line. And a great confirmation of this is, 
that when our Lord made the sun, the first 
light appeared in the first point of the east, 
where the most elevated point of the globe is; 
and, although it was the opinion of Aristotle 
that the antarctic pole, or the land which is 
below it, was the highest part of the world, 
and the nearest to the heavens, other philos- 
ophers oppose him, and say that the highest 
part was below the arctic pole, by which rea- 
soning it appears that they understood that 
one part of the world ought to be loftier and 
nearer the sky than the other; but it never 



138 LETTER TO 

struck them that it might be under the equi- 
noctial in the way that I have said, which is 
not to be wondered at, because they had no 
certain knowledge respecting this hemisphere, 
but merely vague suppositions, for no one has 
ever gone or been sent to investigate the mat- 
ter until your Highnesses sent me to explore 
both the sea and the land. I found that be- 
tween the two straits which, as I have said be- 
fore, face each other in a line from north to 
south, is a distance of twenty-six leagues; and 
there can be no mistake in this calculation, be- 
cause it was made with the quadrant. I also 
find that from these two straits on the west, up 
to the above-mentioned gulf, to which I gave 
the name of the Gulf of Pearls, there are sixty- 
eight leagues of four miles to the league, which 
is the reckoning we are accustomed to make 
at sea; from this gulf the water runs constant- 
ly, with great impetuosity, toward the east, 
and this is the cause why in these two straits 
there is so fierce a turmoil from the fresh water 
encountering the water of the sea. In the south- 
ern strait, which I named the Serpent's Mouth, 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA I39 

I found that toward evening the polar star 
was nearly at five degrees elevation; and in 
the northern, which I called the Dragon's 
Mouth, it was at an elevation of nearly seven 
degrees. The before-mentioned Gulf of Pearls 
is to the west of the -^^ of Ptolemy, nearly 
three thousand nine hundred miles, which make 
nearly seventy equinoctial degrees, reckoning 
fifty-six and two-thirds to a degree. The Holy 
Scriptures record that our Lord made the 
earthly paradise and planted in it the tree of 
life, and thence springs a fountain from which 
the four principal rivers in the world take their 
source, namely: the Ganges, in India, the Ti- 
gris and Euphrates in t which rivers divide 
a chain of mountains, and forming Mesopo- 
tamia, flow thence into Persia — and the Nile, 
which rises in Ethiopia and falls into the sea 
at Alexandria. 

I do not find, nor have ever found, any ac- 
count by the Romans or Greeks which fixes in 
a positive manner the site of the terrestrial 

* Words lacking in original MS. 
f Words lacking in original MS. 



I40 LETTER TO 

paradise, neither have I seen it given in any 
mappe - monde laid down from authentic 
sources. Some place it in Ethiopia, at the 
sources of the Nile, but others, traversing all 
these countries, found neither the temperature 
nor the altitude of the sun correspond with 
their ideas respecting it; nor did it appear that 
the overwhelming waters of the deluge had 
been there. Some pagans pretended to adduce 
arguments to establish that it was in the For- 
tunate Islands, now called the Canaries, etc. 

St. Isidore, Bede, Strabo, and the master of 
scholastic history,* with St. Ambrose, and 
Scotus, and all the learned theologians agree 
that the earthly paradise is in the east, etc. 

I have already described my ideas concern- 
ing this hemisphere and its form, and I have 
no doubt that if I could pass below the equinoc- 
tial line, after reaching the highest point of 
which I have spoken, I should find a much 
milder temperature, and a variation in the stars 
and in the waters; not that I suppose that ele- 
vated point to be navigable, nor even that there 

* Petrus Comestor, author of the Historia Scholastica. 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA I4I 

is water there; indeed, I believe it is impos- 
sible to ascend thither, because I am convinced 
that it is the spot of the earthly paradise, 
whither no one can go but by God's permission; 
but this land which your Highnesses have now 
sent me to explore is very extensive, and I 
think there are many other countries in the 
south of which the world has never had any 
knowledge. 

I do not suppose that the earthly paradise is 
in the form of a rugged mountain, as the de- 
scriptions of it have made it appear, but that it 
is on the summit of the spot which I have de- 
scribed as being in the form of the stalk of a pear; 
the approach of it from a distance must be by a 
constant and gradual ascent; but I believe that, 
as I have already said, no one could ever reach 
the top; I think also that the water I have de- 
scribed may proceed from it, though it be far 
off, and that, stopping at the place which I have 
just left, it forms this lake. There are great in- 
dications of this being the terrestrial paradise, 
for its site coincides with the opinion of the 
holy and wise theologians whom I have men- 



142 LETTER TO 

tioned; and moreover, the other evidences 
agree with the supposition, for I have never 
either read or heard of fresh water coming in 
so large a quantity in close conjunction with 
the water of the sea; the idea is also corrobo- 
rated by the blandness of the temperature; and 
if the water of which I speak does not proceed 
from the earthly paradise, it appears to be still 
more marvelous, for I do not believe that there 
is any river in the world so large or so deep. 

When I left the Dragon's Mouth, which is 
the northernmost of the two straits which I 
have described, and which I so named on the 
day of our Lady of August, I found that the 
sea ran so strongly to the westward that be- 
tween the hour of mass, wdien I weighed an- 
chor, and the hour of complines I made sixty- 
five leagues of four miles each; and not only 
was the wind not violent, but on the contrary 
very gentle, which confirmed me in the con- 
clusion that in sailing southward there is a con- 
tinuous ascent, while there is a corresponding 
descent toward the north. 

I hold it for certain that the waters of the 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA I43 

sea move from east to west with the sky, and 
that in passing this track they hokl a more 
rapid course, and have thus carried away large 
tracts of land, and that from hence has resulted 
this great number of islands; indeed, these 
islands themselves afford an additional proof 
of it, for all of them, without exception, run 
lengthwise from west to east, and from the 
northwest to the southeast, which is in a directly 
contrary direction to the said winds; further- 
more, that these islands should possess the 
most costly productions is to be accounted for 
by the mild temperature, which comes to them 
from heaven, since these are the most elevated 
parts of the world. It is true that in some 
parts the waters do not appear to take this 
course, but this occurs in certain spots, where 
they are obstructed by land, and hence they 
appear to take different directions. 

Pliny writes that the sea and land together 
form a sphere, but that the ocean forms the 
greatest mass, and lies uppermost, while the 
earth is below and supports the ocean, and that 
the two afford a mutual support to each other, 



144 LETTER TO 

as the kernel of a nut is confined by its shell. 
The master of scholastic history, in commenting 
upon Genesis, says that the waters are not very 
extensive; and that although, when they were 
first created they covered the earth, they were 
yet vaporous like a cloud, and that afterward 
they became condensed, and occupied but 
small space, and in this notion Nicolas de Lira 
agrees. Aristotle says that the world is small, 
and the water very limited in extent, and that 
it is easy to pass from Spain to the Indies; and 
this is confirmed by Avenruyz,^ and by the 
Cardinal Pedro de Aliaco,t who, in supporting 
this opinion, shows that it agrees with that of 
Seneca, and says that Aristotle had been 
enabled to gain information respecting the 
world by means of Alexander the Great, and 
Seneca by means of Nero, and Pliny through 
the Romans; all of them having expended 

* Averrhoes, an Arabian philosopher of the twelfth cen- 
tury. 

\ Better known as Pierre D'Ailly — author of the Y/nago 
Mtcndi, stolen largely from Roger Bacon, and which sup- 
plied Columbus with so much of his geographical knowl- 
edge. 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA I45 

large sums of money, and employed a vast 
number of people, in dIHg-cnt inquiry concern- 
ing the secrets of the world, and in spreading 
abroad the knowledge thus obtained. The said 
cardinal allows to these writers greater au- 
thority than to Ptolemy, and other Greeks and 
Arabs; and in confirmation of their opinion 
concerning the small quantity of water on the 
surface of the globe, and the limited amount of 
land covered by that water, in comparison of 
what had been related on the authority of 
Ptolemy and his disciples, he finds a passage 
in the third book of Esdras, wliere that sacred 
writer says, that of seven parts of the world six 
arc discovered, and the other is covered with 
water. The authority of the third and fourth 
books of Esdras is also confirmed by holy per- 
sons, such as St. Augustine, and St. Ambrose 
in his Exaincron, where he says, " Here my 
son Jesus shall first come, and here my son 
Christ shall die ! " These holy men say that 
Esdras was a prophet, as well as Zacharias, the 
father of St. John, and El Rraso Simon; authori- 
ties which are also quoted by Francis de Mai- 



146 LETTER TO 

rones. With respect to the dryness of the land, 
experience has shown that it is greater than is 
commonly believed; and this is no wonder, for 
the further one goes the more one learns. I 
now return to my subject of the land of Gracia, 
and of the river and lake found there, which 
latter might more properly be called a sea; for 
a lake is but a small expanse of water, which, 
when it becomes great, deserves the name of a 
sea, just as Ave speak of the Sea of Galilee and 
the Dead Sea; and I think that if the river men- 
tioned does not proceed from the terrestrial 
paradise, it comes from an immense tract of 
land situated in the south, of which no knowl- 
edge has been hitherto obtained. But the more 
I reason on the subject, the more satisfied I 
become that the terrestrial paradise is situated 
in the spot I have described; and I ground my 
opinion upon the arguments and authorities al- 
ready quoted. May it please the Lord to grant 
your Highnesses a long life, and health and 
peace to follow out so noble an investigation; 
in which I think our Lord will receive great 
service, Spain considerable increase of its great- 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA I47 

iiess, and all Christians much consolation and 
pleasure, because by this means the name of 
our Lord will be published abroad. 

In all the countries visited by your High- 
nesses' ships, I have caused a high cross to be 
fixed upon every headland, and have proclaim- 
ed to every nation that I have discovered the 
lofty estate of your Highnesses, and of your 
court in Spain. I also tell them all I can re- 
specting our holy faith and of the belief in the 
holy mother Church, which has its members in 
all the world; and I speak to them also of the 
courtesy and nobleness of all Christians, and 
of the faith they have in the Holy Trinity. 
May it please the Lord to forgive those who 
have calumniated and still calumniate this ex- 
cellent enterprise, and oppose, and have op- 
posed its advancement, without considering 
how much glory and greatness will accrue from 
it to your Highnesses throughout all the world. 
They cannot state anything in disparagement 
of it, except its expense, and that I have not 
immediately sent back the ships loaded with 
gold. They speak this without considering the 



148 LETTER TO 

shortness of the time, and how many difficul- 
ties there are to contend with; and that every 
year there are individuals who singly earn by 
their deserts out of your Majesties' own house- 
hold more revenue than would cover the whole 
of this expense. Nor do they remember that 
the princes of Spain have never gained posses- 
sion of any land out of their own country, un- 
til now that your Highnesses have become the 
masters of another world, where our holy faith 
may become so much increased, and whence 
such stores of wealth may be derived; for al- 
though we have not sent home ships laden with 
gold, we have, nevertheless, sent satisfactory 
samples, both of gold and of other valuable 
commodities, by which it may be judged that in 
a short time large profits may be derived. 
Neither do they take into consideration the 
noble spirit of the princes of Portugal, who so 
long ago carried into execution the exploration 
of Guinea, and still follow it up along the coast 
of Africa, in which one-half of the population 
of the country has been employed, and yet the 
King is more determined on the enterprise than 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA I49 

ever. The Lord grant all that I have said, and 
lead them to think deeply upon what I have 
written; which is not the thousandth part of what 
might be written of the deeds of princes who 
have set their minds upon gaining knowledge, 
and upon obtaining territory and keeping it. 

I say all this, not because I doubt the inclina- 
tion of your Highnesses to pursue the enterprise 
while you live — for I rely confidently on the 
answers your Highnesses once gave me by 
word of mouth — nor because I have seen any 
change in your Highnesses, but from the fear 
of what I have heard from those of whom I 
have been speaking; for I know that water 
dropping on a stone will at length make a hole. 
Your Highnesses responded to me with that 
nobleness of feeling which all the world knows 
you to possess, and told me to pay no atten- 
tion to these calumniations; for that your in- 
tention was to follow up and support the under- 
taking, even if nothing were gained by it but 
stones and sand. Your Highnesses also de- 
sired me to be in no way anxious about the 
expense, for that much greater cost had been 



ISO LETTER TO 

incurred on much more trifling matters, and 
that you considered all the past and future as 
well laid out; for that your Highnesses believed 
that our holy faith would be increased, and 
your royal dignity enhanced, and that they 
were no friends of the royal estate who spoke 
ill of the enterprise. 

And now, during the despatch of the informa- 
tion respecting these lands which I have 
recently discovered, and where I believe in my 
soul that the earthly paradise is situated, the 
"Adelantado" will proceed with three ships, 
well stocked with provisions, on a further in- 
vestigation, and will make all the discoveries 
he can about these parts. Meanwhile, I shall 
send your Highnesses this letter, accompanied 
by a drawing of the country, and your Majes- 
ties will determine on what is to be done, and 
give your orders as to how it is your pleasure 
that I should proceed: the which, by the aid 
of the Holy Trinity, shall be carried into exe- 
cution with all possible diligence, in the faith- 
ful service and to the entire satisfaction of your 
Majesties. Deo Gratias ! 



JUANA DE LA TORRES 151 



LETTER TO JUANA DE LA TORRES^ 

A /TOST VIRTUOUS LADY: Although 
-^^ ■*- it is a novelty for me to complain of 
the ill-usage of the world, it is, nevertheless, no 
novelty for the world to practice ill-usage. 
Innumerable are the contests which I have 
had with it, and I have resisted all its attacks 
until now, when I find that neither strength nor 
prudence is of any avail to me: it has cruelly 
reduced me to the lowest ebb. Hope in Him 
who has created us all is my support: His as- 
sistance I have always found near at hand. 
On one occasion, not long since. He supported 

* The former nurse of Prince Don John, Major thinks 
this letter was written when Columbus was nearing Cadiz, 
which he reached Nov. 25, 1500; but from the question in 
his mind (shown in the last paragraph), as to whether he 
was to be tried in the Indies or in Spain, it must clearly 
have been written in San Domingo, before he started. He 
was certainly under arrest, and perhaps in chains. The 
translation is by R. H. Major, and is printed in his Se/eci 
Letters of Christophe}' Cohwibiis , . . . London, 1847. The 
original text is in Navarrete's Coleccion de los Viages, . . . 
Madrid, 1825. 



152 LETTER TO 

me with His Divine arm, sayini^ : "O man of 
little faith, arise, it is I, be not afraid." I of- 
fered myself with such earnest devotion to the 
service of the princes, and I have served them 
with a fidelity hitherto unequaled and unheard 
of. God made me the messenger of the new 
heaven and the new earth, of which He spoke 
in the Apocalypse by St. John, after having 
spoken of it by the mouth of Isaiah ; and He 
showed me the spot where to find it. All 
proved incredulous, except the Queen, my 
mistress, to whom the Lord gave the spirit of 
intelligence and the necesssary courage, and 
made her the heiress of all, as a dear and well- 
beloved daughter. I w^ent to take possession 
of it in her royal name. All wished to cover 
the ignorance in which they were sunk, by 
enumerating the inconveniences and expense 
of the proposed enterprise. Her Highness 
held the contrary opinion, and supported it 
with all her powder. Seven years passed away 
in deliberations, and nine have been spent in 
accomplishing things truly memorable, and 
worthy of being preserved in the history of man. 



V 



JUANA DE LA TORRES 1 53 

I have now reached that point, that there is 
no man so vile but thinks it his right to insult 
me. The day will come when the world will 
reckon it as a virtue to him who has not given 
his consent to their abuse. If I had plundered 
the Indies, even to the country where is the 
fabled altar of St. Peter's, and had given them 
all to the Moors, they could not have shown 
toward me more bitter enmity than they have 
done in Spain. Who would believe such things 
in a country where there has always been so 
much magnanimity } I desire earnestly to 
clear myself of this affair, if only I had the 
means of doing so face to face with my Queen. 
The support which I have found in our Lord 
and in her Highness has made me persevere ; 
and I would fain cause her to forget a little the 
griefs which death has occasioned her.""' I \ 
undertook another voyage to the new heavens I 
and new earth, which had been hidden hither- #^ 
to ; and if these are not appreciated in Spain, 
like the other parts of the Indies, it is not at all 
wonderful, since it is to my labors that they 

* The death of her son, Prince John. 



154 LETTER TO 

are indebted for them. The Holy Spirit en- 
compassed St. Peter, and the rest of the twelve, 
who all had conflicts here below ; they wrought 
many works, they suffered great fatigues, and 
at last they obtained the victory. I believed 
that this voyage to Paria would in some de- 
gree pacify them, because of the pearls and 
the discovery of gold in the island of Espanola. 
I left orders for the people to fish for pearls, 
and collect them together, and made an agree- 
ment with them that I should return for them ; 
and I was given to understand that the supply 
would be abundant. 

If I have not written respecting this to their 
Highnesses, it is because I wished first to ren- 
der an equally favorable account of the gold ; 
but it has happened with this as with many 
other things; I should not have lost them, 
and with them my honor, if I had been only 
occupied about my own private interests, and 
had suffered Espanola to be lost, or even if 
they had respected my privileges and the 
treaties. I say the same with regard to the 
gold wdiich I had then collected, and which I 



JUANA DE LA TORRES 155 

have brought in safety, by Divine grace, after 
so much loss of Hfe, and such excessive fa- 
tigues. 

In the voyage which I made by way of Paria, 
I found nearly half the colonists of Espanola 
in a state of revolt,* and they have made war 
upon me until now as if I had been a Moor ; 
while on the other side, I had to contend with 
no less cruel Indians. Then arrived Hojeda,t 
and he attempted to put the seal to all these 
disorders ; he said that their Highnesses had 
sent him, with promises of presents, of im- 
munities, and treaties ; he collected a numer- 



* From the rule of Bartholomew Columbus, who, in the 
absence of his brother, acted in his stead. The character 
of the people whom Columbus was called upon to govern 
can be judged by the requisition for colonists sent by the 
King and Queen to the " council, auditors, alcaldes, bailiffs, 
magistrates, knights, esquires, officers, and good men . . . 
of our kingdoms" ordering them "that all and every per- 
son . . . who may have committed, up to the day of the 
publication of this our letter, any murders and offenses, 
and other crimes of whatever nature and quality they may 
be . . . shall go and serve in person in Hispaniola." And 
yet, because order was not maintained, we are seriously 
told that Columbus was a bungling and poor governor. 

f Alonzo de Hojeda. 



156 LETTER TO 

ous band, for in the whole island of Espanola 
there were few men who were not vagabonds, 
and there were none who had either wife or 
children. This Hojeda troubled me much, but 
he was obliged to retreat, and at his departure 
he said that he would return with more ships 
and men, and reported, also, that he had left 
the Queen at the point of death. In the mean- 
while, Vincent Yanez"^ came with four caravels; 
and there were some tumults and suspicions, 
but no further evil. The Indians reported 
many other caravels to the cannibals, and in 
Paria ; and afterward spread the news of the 
arrival of six other caravels, commanded by a 
brother of the alcalde; but this was from pure 
malice ; when at last the hope was lost that 
their Highnesses would send any more ships 
to the Indies, and we no longer expected them, 
and when it was said openly that her Highness 
(the Queen) was dead. At this time, one 
Adrian f attempted a new revolt, as he had 
done before ; but our Lord did not permit his 

*This was the commander of the Nina in the first voyage. 
\ Adrian Mogica. 



JUANA DE LA TORRES 1 5/ 

evil designs to succeed. I had determined 
not to inflict punishment on any person, but 
his ingratitude obhged me, however regret- 
fully, to abandon this resolution. I should not 
have acted otherwise with my own brother, if 
he had sought to assassinate me, and to rob 
me of the lordship which my sovereigns had 
given to my keeping. This Adrian, as is now 
evident, had sent Don Ferdinand to Xaragua, 
to assemble some of his partisans, and had 
some discussions with the alcalde, which ended 
in violence, but all without any good. The 
alcalde seized him and a part of his band, and, 
in fact, executed justice without my having 
ordered it. While they were in prison they 
were expecting a caravel, in which they hoped 
to embark ; but the news of what had happen- 
ed to Hojeda, and which I told them, deprived 
them of the hope that he would arrive in this 
ship. It is now six months that I have been 
ready to leave, to bring to their Highnesses 
the good news of the gold, and to give up the 
government of these dissolute people, who fear 
neither their King nor Queen, but are full of 



158 LETTER TO 

imbecility and malice. I should have been 
able to pay every one with six hundred thou- 
sand maravedis, and for this purpose there 
were four millions and more of the tithes, 
without reckoning the third part of the gold. 

Before my departure (from Spain), I have 
often entreated their Highnesses to send to 
these parts, at my expense, some one charged 
to administer justice ; and since, when I found 
the alcalde in a state of revolt, I have besought 
them afresh to send at least one of their ser- 
vants with letters, because I myself have had 
so strange a character given to me, that if I 
were to build churches or hospitals they would 
call them caves for robbers. Their Highnesses 
provided for this at last, but in a manner quite 
unequal to the urgency of the circumstances ; 
however, let that point rest, since such is their 
good pleasure. I remained two years in Spain 
without being able to obtain anything for my- 
self, or those Avho came with me, but this man 
has gained for himself a full purse : God knows 
if all will be employed for His service. Al- 
ready, to begin with, there is a revenue for 



JUANA DE LA TORRES 159 

twenty years, which is, according to man's 
calculation, an age ; and they gather gold in 
such abundance that there are people who, in 
four hours, have found the equivalent of five 
marks ; but I will speak on this subject more 
fully hereafter. If their Highnesses would con- 
descend to silence the popular rumors, which 
have gained credence among those who know 
what fatigues I have sustained, it would be a 
real charity ; for calumny has done me more 
injury than the services which I have rendered 
to their Highnesses, and the care with which 
I have preserved their property and their gov- 
ernment, have done me good ; and, by their 
so doing, I should be reestablished in reputa- | 
tion, and spoken of throughout the universe ; } 
for the things which I have accomplished are j 
such, that they must gain, day by day, in the 
estimation of mankind. 

In the meanwhile, the commander Bobadil- 
la"^ arrived at St. Domingo, at which time I was 

* Francisco de Bobadilla, sent from Spain with a royal 
commission to endeavor to restore peace and order to the 
colony. 



l6o LETTER TO 

at La Vega, and the Adelantado at Xaragua, 
where this Adrian had made his attempt; but 
by that time everything was quiet, the land was 
thriving, and the people at peace. The second 
day of his arrival he declared himself governor, 
created magistrates, ordered executions, pub- 
lished immunities from the collection of gold 
and from the paying of tithes; and, in fine, an- 
nounced a general franchise for twenty years, 
which is, as I have said, the calculation of an 
age. He also gave out that he was going to 
pay every one, although they had not even 
done the service which was due up to that day; 
and he further proclaimed, with respect to me, 
that he would send me back loaded with chains, 
and my brother also (this he has accom- 
plished); and that neither I, nor any of my 
family, should return forever to these lands; 
and, in addition to this, he made innumerable 
unjust and disgraceful charges against me. All 
this took place, as I have said, on the very day 
after his arrival, at which time I was absent at 
a secure distance, thinking neither of him nor 
of his coming. Some letters of their Highnesses 



JUANA DE LA TORRES l6l 

of which he brought a considerable number 
signed in blank, he filled up with exaggerated 
language, and sent round to the alcalde and his 
myrmidons, accompanying them with compli- 
ments and flattery. To me he never sent either 
a letter or a messenger, nor has he done so 
to this day. Reflect upon this, madam ! What 
could any man in my situation think ? That 
honor and favor should be granted to him who 
had given his sanction to plundering their 
Highnesses of their sovereignty, and who had 
done so much injury and caused so much mis- 
chief? — that he who had defended and pre- 
served their cause through so many dangers, 
should be dragged through the mire ? When 
I heard this, I thought he must be like Hojeda, 
or one of the other rebels; but I held my peace, 
when I learned for certain from the friars that 
he had been sent by their Highnesses. I wrote 
to him, to salute him on his arrival, to let him 
know that I was ready to set out to go to court, 
and that I had put up to sale all that I pos- 
sessed. I entreated him not to be in haste 
on the subject of the immunities; and I as- 



l62 LETTER TO 

sured him that I would shortly yield this, 
and everything else connected with the gov- 
ernment, implicitly into his charge. I wrote 
the same thing to the ecclesiastics, but I re- 
ceived no answer either from the one or the 
other. On the contrary, he took a hostile po- 
sition, and obliged those who went to his resi- 
dence to acknowledge him for governor, as I 
have been told, for twenty years. As soon as 
I knew what he had done with regard to the 
immunities, I believed it needful to repair so 
great an error, and I thought he would himself 
be glad of it; because he had, without any rea- 
son or necessity, bestowed upon vagabonds 
privileges of such importance, that they would 
have been excessive even for men with wives 
and children. I published verbally, and by 
writings, that he could not make use of these 
grants, because mine had still more power, and 
I showed the immunities brought by Juan Ag- 
uado. All this I did for the purpose of gain- 
ing time, that their Highnesses might be in- 
formed as to the state of things, and that they 
might have opportunity to give fresh orders up- 



JUANA DE LA TORRES 163 

on everything- touching their interests. It is 
useless to publish such grants in the Indies — 
all is in favor of the settlers who have taken up 
their abode there, because the best lands are 
given up to tliem; and, at a low estimate, they 
are worth two hundred thousand maravedis a 
head for the four years, at which they are taken, 
without their having given one stroke of the 
spade or the mattock. I should not say so 
much if these people were married men; but 
there are not six among them all whose pur- 
pose is not to amass all they can, and then de- 
camp with it. It would be well to send people 
from Spain, and only to send such as are well 
known, that the country may be peopled with 
honest men. I had agreed with these settlers 
that they should pay the third of the gold and 
of the tithes; and this they not only assented 
to, but were very grateful to their Highnesses. 
I reproached them when I heard they had af- 
terward refused it; they expected, however, to 
deal with me on the same terms as with the 
commander, but I would not consent to it. He 
meanwhile irritated them against me, saying 



164 LETTER TO 

that I wished to deprive them of that which 
their Highnesses had given them; and strove 
to make me appear their enemy, in which he 
succeeded to the full. He induced them to 
write to their Highnesses, that they should send 
me no more commissioned as governor (truly, 
I do not desire it any more for myself, or for 
any who belong to me, while the people re- 
mained unchanged); and to conciliate them, 
he ordered inquiries to be made respecting me 
with reference to imputed misdeeds, such as 
WQre never invented in hell. But God is above, 
who, with so much wisdom and power, rescued 
Daniel and the three children, and who, if he 
please, can rescue me with a similar manifesta- 
tion of his power, and to the advancement of 
his own cause. I should have known well 
enough howtofind a remedyfor the evils which 
I now describe and have been describing as 
having happened to me since I came to the In- 
dies, if I had had the wish or had thought it 
decent to busy myself about my personal in- 
terest; but now I find myself shipwrecked, be- 
cause, until now, I have maintained the justice 



JUANA DE LA TORRES 165 

and augmented the territorial dominions of 
their Highnesses. Now that so much gold is 
found, these people stop to consider whether 
they can obtain the greatest quantity of it by 
theft, or by going to the mines. For one wo- 
man they give a hundred castellanos, as for a 
farm; and this sort of trading is very common, 
and there are already a great number of mer- 
chants who go in search of girls; there are at 
this moment some nine or ten on sale; they 
fetch a good price, let their age be what it will. 
In saying that the commander could not con- 
fer immunities, I did what he desired, although 
I told him that it was in order to gain time un- 
til their Highnesses had received information 
respecting the country, and had given their or- 
ders as to the regulations best calculated to ad- 
vance their interest. I say that the calumnies 
of injurious men have done me more harm than 
my services have done me good; which is a 
bad example for the present as well as for the 
future. I aver that a great number of men 
have been to the Indies, who did not deserve 
baptism in the eyes of God or men, and who 



1 66 LETTER TO 

are now returning thither. The governor has 
made every one hostile to me; and it appears 
from the manner of his acting, and the plans 
that he has adopted, that he was already my 
enemy, and very virulent against me when he 
arrived; and it is said that he has been -at 
great expense to obtain this office; but I know 
nothing about the matter except what I have 
heard. I never before heard of any one who 
was commissioned to make an inquiry, assem-' 
bling the rebels, and taking as evidence against 
their q;overnor wretches without faith, and who 
are unworthy of belief If their Highnesses 
would cause a general inquiry to be made 
throughout the land, I assure you they would 
be astonished that the island has not been 
swallowed up. I believe that you will recol- 
lect that when I was driven by a tempest into 
the port of Lisbon (having lost my sails), I was 
falsely accused of having put in thither with 
the intention of giving the Indies to the sov- 
ereign of that country. Since then, their High- 
nesses have learned the contrary, and that 
the report was produced by the malice of cer- 



JUANA DE LA TORRES 167 

tain people. Althoug-h I am an ignorant man, 
I do not imagine that any one supposed me so 
stupid as not to be aware that, even if the In- 
dies had belonged to me, I could not support 
myself without the assistance of some prince. 
Since it is thus, where should I find better sup- 
port, or more security against expulsion, than 
in the King and Queen, our Sovereigns.? Who, 
from nothing, have raised me to so great an el- 
evation, and who are the greatest princes of the 
world, on the land and on the sea. These 
princes know how I have served them, and 
they uphold my privileges and rewards; and if 
any one violates them, their Highnesses aug- 
ment them by ordering great favor to be shown 
me, and ordain me many honors, as was shown 
in the affair of Juan Aguado. Yes, as I have 
said, their Highnesses have received some ser- 
vices from me, and have taken my son into 
their household,'^ which would not have hap- 
pened with another prince, because where 
there is no attachment, all other considerations 
prove of little weight. If I have now spoken 

"^' Diefto Columbus. 



l68 LETTER TO 

severely of a malicious slander, it is against my 
will, for it is a subject I would not willingly re- 
call, even in my dreams. The Governor Boba- 
dilla has maliciously exhibited in open day his 
character and conduct in this affair; but I will 
prove without difficulty that his ignorance, his 
laziness, and his inordinate cupidity, have frus- 
trated all his undertakings. I have already said 
that I wrote him, as well as to the monks, and 
I set out almost alone, all our people being with 
the Adelantado and elsewhere, to remove sus- 
picion; when he heard this, he caused D. Die- 
go to be loaded with irons, and thrown into a 
caravel; he acted in the same manner toward 
myself, and toward the Adelantado when he 
arrived. I have never spoken with him, and to 
this day he has not permitted any one to hold 
converse with me, and I make oath that I have 
no conception for what cause I am made pris- 
oner. His first care was to take the gold that 
I had, and that without measuring or weighing 
it, although I was absent; he said he would pay 
those to whom it was owing, and if I am to be- 
lieve that which has been reported to me, he 



JUANA DE LA TORRES 169 

reserved to himself the greater part, and sent 
for strangers to make the bargains. I had put 
aside certain specimens of this gold, as large as 
the eggs of a goose or a fowl, and many other 
sizes, which had been collected in a short space 
of time, in order to please their Highnesses, and 
that they might be impressed with the impor- 
tance of the affair, when they saw a great num- 
ber of large stones loaded w^ith gold. This 
gold was the first that, after he had feathered 
his own nest (which he w^as in great haste to 
do), his malice suggested to give away, in or- 
der that their Highnesses might have a low 
opinion of the whole affair; the gold which re- 
quired melting diminished at the fire, and a 
chain, weighing nearly twenty marks, disap- 
peared altogether. I have been yet more con- 
cerned respecting the affair of the pearls, that 
I have not brought them to their Highnesses. 
In everything that could add to my annoyance 
the governor has always shown himself ready 
to bestir himself. Thus, as I have said, with 
six hundred maravedis, I should have paid ev- 
ery one, without occasioning loss to any ; and 



I/O LETTER TO 

I had more than four millions of tithes and con- 
stabulary dues, without touching the gold. He 
made the most absurd gifts, although I believe 
he began by awarding them to the stronger par- 
ty; their Highnesses will be able to ascertain 
the truth on this subject when they demand 
the account to be rendered them, especially if 
I may assist at the examination. He is contin- 
ually saying that there is a considerable sum 
owing, while it is only what I have already re- 
ported, and even less. I have been wounded 
extremely by the thought that a man should 
have been sent out to make inquiry into my 
conduct, who knew that if he sent home a very 
aggravated account of the result of his investi- 
gation, he would remain at the head of the gov- 
ernment. Would to God their Highnesses 
had sent either him or some other person two 
years ago, for then I know that I should have 
had no cause to fear either scandal or disgrace; 
they could not then have taken away my hon- 
or, and I could not have been in the position 
to have lost it. God is just, and He will in due 
time make known all that has taken place and 



JUANA DE LA TORRES 171 

why it has taken place. I am judged in Spain 
as a governor who had been sent to a province, 
or city, under regular government, and where 
the laws could be executed without fear of en- 
dangering the public weal; and in this I re- 
ceived enormous wrong. I ought to be judged 
as a captain sent from Spain to the Indies, to 
conquer a nation numerous and warlike, with 
customs and religion altogether different to 
ours; a people who dwell in the mountains, 
without regular habitations for themselves or 
for us; and where, by the Divine will, I have 
subdued another world to the dominion of the 
King and Queen, our Sovereigns; in conse- 
quence of which, Spain, that used to be called 
poor, is now the most wealthy of kingdoms. I 
ought to be judged as a captain, who, for so 
many years has borne arms, never quitting 
them for an instant. I ought to be judged by 
cavaliers who have themselves won the meed 
of victory; by gentlemen, indeed, and not by 
the lawyers; at least as it would have been 
among the Greeks and Romans, or any modern 
nation in which exists so much nobility as in 



1/2 LETTER TO 

Spain; for under any other judgment I receive 
great injury, because in the Indies there is 
neither civil nor judgment seat. 

Ah-eady the road is opened to the gold and 
pearls, and it may surely be hoped that pre- 
cious stones, spices, and a thousand other 
things will also be found. Would to God that 
it were as certain that I should suffer no greater 
wrongs than I have already experienced, as it 
is that I would, in the name of our Lord, again 
undertake my first voyage; and that I would 
undertake to go to Arabia Felix, as far as Mec- 
ca, as I have said in the letter that I sent to 
their Highnesses by Antonio de Torres, in an- 
swer to the division of the sea and land between 
Spain and the Portuguese;"^ and I would go 
afterward to the North Pole, as I have said and 
given in writing to the monastery of the Me- 
jorada. 

The tidings of the gold which I said I would 
give, are, that on Christmas-day, being greatly 
afflicted and tormented by the wicked Span- 

* This is a reference to the famous Papal bull, dividing 
the Indies between Spain and Portugal. 



JUANA DE LA TORRES 173 

iards and the Indians, at the moment of leav- 
ing all to save my life if possible, our Lord 
comforted me miraculously, saying to me, 
" Take courage: do not abandon thyself to sad- 
ness and fear; I will provide for all; the seven 
years, the term of the gold, are not yet passed, 
and in this, as in the rest, I will redress thee." 
I learned, that same day, that there were 
twenty-four leagues of land where they found 
mines at every step, which appear now to form 
but one. Some of the people collected a hun- 
dred and twenty castellanos' worth in one day, 
others ninety; and there have been those who 
have gathered the equivalent of nearly two hun- 
dred and fifty castellanos. They consider it a 
good day's work when they collect from fifty to 
seventy, or even from twenty to fifty, and many 
continue searching; the mean day's work is 
from six to twelve, and those who get less are 
very dissatisfied. It appears that these mines, 
like all others, do not yield equally every day; 
the mines are new, and those who collect their 
produce are inexperienced. According to the 
judgment of everybody here, it seems that if 



1/4 LETTER TO 

all Spain were to come over, every individual, 
however inexpert he might be, would gain the 
equivalent of at least one or two castellanos in 
a day; and so it is up to the present time. It 
is certain that any man who has an Indian to 
work for him collects as much, but the working 
of the traffic depends upon the Spaniard. See, 
now, what discernment was shown by Boba- 
dilla when he gave up everything for nothing, 
and four millions of tithes without any reason, 
and even without being asked to do so, and 
without first giving notice to their Highnesses 
of his intention; and this is not the only evil 
which he has caused. I know, assuredly, that 
the errors which I may have fallen into have 
been done without the intention to do wrong, 
and I think that their Highnesses will believe 
me when I say so; but I know and see that 
they show mercy toward those who intention- 
ally do injury to their service. I, however, feel 
very certain that the day will come when they 
will treat me much better; since, if I have been 
in error, it has been innocently and under the 
force of circumstances, as they will shortly 



JUANA DE LA TORRES I75 

understand beyond all doubt. I, who am their 
creature, and whose services and usefulness 
they will every day be more willing to acknowl- 
edge. They will weigh all in the balance, even 
as, according to Holy Scripture, it will be with 
the evil and the good at the day of judgment. 
If, nevertheless, their Highnesses ordain me 
another judge, which I hope will not be the 
case, and if my examination is to be holden in 
the Indies, I humbly beseech them to send 
over two conscientious and respectable persons 
at my expense, who would readily acknowd- 
edge that, at this time, five marks of gold may 
be found in four hours; be it, however, as it may, 
it is highly necessary that their Highnesses 
should have this matter inquired into. The 
governor, on his arrival at Espanola, took 
up his abode in my house, and appropriated to 
himself all that was therein. Well and good; 
perhaps he was in want of it; but even a pirate 
does not behave in this manner toward the 
merchants that he plunders. That which griev- 
ed me most was the seizure of my papers, of 
which I have never been able to recover one; 



iy6 LETTER TO JUANA DE LA TORRES 

and those that would have been most useful to 
me in proving my innocence are precisely 
those which he has kept most carefully con- 
cealed. Behold the just and honest inquisitor ! 
I am told that he does not at all confine him- 
self to the bounds of justice, but that he acts in 
all things despotically. God our Saviour re- 
tains His power and wisdom as of old; and, 
above all things, He punishes ingratitude. 



PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS \^^ 



PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS* 

The declaration of what belongs, and should, and ought 
to belong to the Admiral of the Indies, in virtue of the 
capitulation and agreement, which he entered into 
with their Highnesses, which is the title and right 
that the Admiral and his descendants have upon the 
islands and mainland in the ocean, is as follows: 

CHAPTER I 

TTIRST, by the first article their Highnesses 
•^ appointed him their Admiral of the isl- 
ands and mainland discovered and to be dis- 
covered in the ocean, with the preeminences, 
and according to and in the manner that the 
Admiral of the sea of Castile holds and enjoys 
his Admiralty in his district. 

* Probably prepared in 1501, after Columbus had been 
freed from arrest, yet not restored to his offices in the 
" Indies." A copy of it was sent to Nicolo Oderigo before 
March 21, 1502. It is a further and more elaborate argu- 
ment on the question discussed in the paper printed at page 
75 of this volume. The translation is in the Memorials of 
Colnmbics, . . . London ,\%i'^. The original text is in the Cod'ue 
Diphmialico Colofubo- Americano , . . . Genova, 1823. 



178 PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS 

By the declaration of this it is to be observed, 
that the Admiral of Castile, in virtue of his 
privilege, has the third part of whatever is ac- 
quired, or he may acquire in the sea; for the 
same reason, therefore, the Admiral of the 
Indies ought to have the third part of them, 
and of whatever is acquired in them. 

For inasmuch as the Admiral of Castile en- 
joys no third except of what is acquired in that 
sea of which he is Admiral, the Admiral of the 
Indies ought to have a third of them, and of 
whatever is acquired by land in them. 

The reason of this is, because their High- 
nesses ordered him to acquire islands and 
mainland, and designated him especially Ad- 
miral of them; and from them and in them he 
is to receive his reward, being Admiral of, and 
having acquired them with great peril, con- 
trary to the opinion of everybody. 

CHAPTER II 

By the second chapter, their Highnesses 
appointed him their Viceroy and Governor- 
General of all the said islands and mainland, 



PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS 179 

with the faculty of enjoying all the offices which 
appertain to the government; excepting that, 
out of three, one should be appointed by their 
Highnesses; and afterward their Highnesses 
conferred upon him a fresh grant of the said 
offices in the years '92 and '93, by privilege 
granted, without the said exception. 

The declaration of this is, that the said of- 
fices of Viceroy and Governor belong to the 
said Admiral, with the power of appointing all 
the officers to the offices and magistracies of 
the said Indies, since their Highnesses, as a 
reward, and, as it were, as a payment for the 
labor and pains incurred by the said Admiral 
in discovering and acquiring possession of the 
said islands, conferred upon him the grant of the 
said offices and government with the said power. 

For it is very evident, that in the beginning 
the said Admiral would not have exposed him- 
self, nor would any other person have exposed 
himself, to so great a risk and danger, if their 
Highnesses had not granted to him the said 
offices and government as a reward and recom- 
pense for such an undertaking. 



l8o PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS 

Which their Highnesses justly bestowed 
upon him, in order that the said Admiral 
might, in preference to every other person, 
be benefited* honored, and elevated through 
the same means by which he had rendered 
them so signal a service. For very little, or 
scarcely any, honor would accrue to the Ad- 
miral, whatever other recompense he might 
have, if in that land, acquired by him with such 
difficulty, their Highnesses were to appoint 
another superior; and as he was appointed to 
them for such just causes, the said offices and 
government in justice belong to the said Ad- 
miral. 

And as the said Admiral was peacefully exe- 
cuting, in the service of their Highnesses, the 
said offices in the said Indies, he was unjustly 
deprived of the possession of them,^ contrary 
to all law and reason, without being cited, 
heard, or convicted; by which the said Admiral 
d-eclares he received every injury, considerable 
personal dishonor, and loss of property; and 

* Referring to the appointment and seizure of the gov- 
ernment of Hispaniola by Bobadilla. See ante. 



PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS l8l 

this clearly appears by the said Chapter, for 
the following reasons: 

Because the said Admiral could not be de- 
prived nor dispossessed of his foresaid offices, 
never having committed or done anything 
against their HiGfhnesses, for which he should 
legally forfeit his property. Supposing, how- 
ever, that such cause existed (which God for- 
bid !) the said Admiral ought, first of all, to 
have been cited and called, heard and con- 
victed, according to law. 

And by dispossessing him without just cause, 
the said Admiral experienced great injury and 
great injustice; and their Highnesses had no 
right to inflict it upon him. 

For their Highnesses conferred upon him 
the said offices and government of the foresaid 
land as a compensation for services and labor 
in gaining possession of it, whence he acquired 
a just interest in, and perpetual title to, the 
foresaid offices; and as he was unjustly dispos- 
sessed of them, the said Admiral ought, first of- 
all, to be reestablished in the said offices, and 
in his honor and dignity. 



152 PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS 

And with respect to the damage he has 
received, which, according to the averment of 
the Admiral, is of considerable amount, as by 
his persevering industry he was finding out 
and discovering in the said Indies a great 
quantity of gold, pearls, spices, and other arti- 
cles of great value ; let the Admiral himself 
declare upon oath the amount of the damage, 
and for this let him be indemnified according 
to law. 

Which indemnification ought to be made by 
the person which unjustly dispossessed him of 
all his property ; being obliged to it both by 
divine and human laws, for having exceeded 
the bounds of the power entrusted to him by 
their Highnesses. 

And such indemnification and restoration 
into the foresaid offices, property, and honors, 
ought to be the more promptly performed, in 
proportion to the injustice in depriving him of 
the same. 

For it is absolutely incredible, nor could any 
one believe, that their Highnesses could ap- 
prove that a man so industrious, who came so 



PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS 183 

great distance to render such signal and great 
services to their Highnesses as he has done by 
his industry and person, by which he merited 
still greater fortune, should be, through the 
malignity of the envious, deprived of every 
recompense. 

Having such reason to believe himself bound 
by affection to their Highnesses, and so well 
established in their good graces, the said Ad- 
miral and all the world believed that it was 
impossible for any calumniators to make him 
lose the reward of so many services ; much 
less to excite anger in the breasts of their 
Highnesses, to make them ruin him whose ser- 
vices and merits they had acknowledged ; at a 
time when the said Admiral was confident of 
rendering every day, and did render, great 
services to their Highnesses, promoting by his 
industry the present advantage of the said isl- 
ands, and exercising his powers, along with 
his officers, for their population and prosperity. 

And this no other person would have done, 
nor will do ; inasmuch as the Indians being 
entirely unprotected, if he had not previously 



l84 PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS 

governed, those who now possess the govern- 
ment, being anxious to enrich themselves dur- 
ing their administration, will not look to that 
in future, as the said Admiral did, who looked 
to their permanent interest, and, depending 
upon the honor and profit that would result 
from the good government and protection of 
the Indians (who form the principal riches of 
it), attended not in the least to his present ad- 

CHAPTER III 

By the Third Chapter their Highnesses con- 
ferred upon him a grant of the tenth part of 
whatever might be bought, found, or existed 
within the limits of the foresaid Admiralty, de- 
ducting the charges of them. 

The meaning of this is, that the foresaid Ad- 
miral is to have the tenth of whatever might 
exist or be found in the said Indies and main- 
land of the ocean, by any persons whatsoever, 
singly or jointly, for the advantage of their 
Highnesses, or of whatever other persons to 
whom they may have made a grant of it, or of 



PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS 185 

part of it, deducting the expenses which the 
said persons or their Highnesses may have in- 
curred. 

And their Highnesses cannot in justice grant 
either the whole or any part of the profit of the 
said Indies to any person whatsoever, in prej- 
udice of the said tenth, without their first hav- 
ing to pay, and paying the full tenth thereof to 
the said Admiral. 

For their Highnesses, by making such grants, 
destroy or diminish that which they formerly 
conferred upon the said Admiral, leaving it 
much diminished and dismembered, without an 
adequate indemnification. 

As the grant conferred upon the said Admi- 
ral of the said tenth, was given to him before he 
discovered the said Indies, and was given and 
granted as an assistance, reward and recom- 
pense which he had deserved for that service. 

And even supposing that their Highnesses, 
in conformity to an agreement or condition, or 
in any other manner, were to give the half, or 
any other part of the gains to any persons who 
might be inclined to take upon them the labor 



l86 PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS 

and expenses of such an adventure; even in 
that case the said Admiral ought still to have 
the tenth of the profits thereof, and of what has 
been spent by such persons as well as on the 
principal part of their Highnesses; since both 
the one and the other are true and principal 
gain, and are derived from his Admiralty of the 
Indies. 

CHAPTER IV 

According to the tenor of the Fourth Chap- 
ter, their Highnesses granted to the foresaid 
Admiral the civil and criminal jurisdiction over 
every dispute in law connected with the fore- 
said Indies, and the cognizance of them here, 
in the parts and places comprehended within 
the jurisdiction of the Admiral of Castile (it be- 
ing just). 

As an explanation of the judicial power be- 
longing to the Admiral, the latter asserts that 
the foresaid jurisdiction belongs to him as one 
of the principal preeminences, and, as it were, 
the arm of the body of his Admiralty, without 
which it would be very difficult for him to reg- 



PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS 187 

ulate the said Admiralty, or, properly speak- 
ing-, it would be altogether useless, because the 
said jurisdiction is the very essence that hon- 
ors, animates and sustains the other members 
of the body of the said Admiralty. 

Moreover, that the said cognizance belongs 
to him, as well in the ports and bays of this 
kingdom as in the said islands and mainland 
of which he is the Admiral; for if he enjoyed 
the foresaid jurisdiction only in the courts there, 
without including in it the causes that emanate 
from hence, all the contracting parties being 
natives of this country, and all the traffic and 
commerce proceeding from hence, his jurisdic- 
tion w^ould be almost null, because the individ- 
uals who go over to the said Indies go there 
only for the purpose of trafficking; but the con- 
tracts and agreements of the companies remain 
here, upon which, on their return, law-suits 
arise; and the causes of such law-suits proceed 
from transactions in the traffic and commerce 
which have been carried on within his Admi- 
ralty. 

But, even if that Article did not exist, in 



l88 PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS 

which express mention is made of the said ju- 
risdiction, it is clear that from the time their 
Highnesses established the office of the Admi- 
ralty of Castile, conjointly with the said Admi- 
ralty, they conferred upon the said Admiral the 
grant of the said jurisdiction with the foresaid 
comprehension, as the Admiral of the sea of 
Castile holds, as the principal preeminence of 
his Admiralty, the jurisdiction of all civil and 
criminal law-suits appertaining to it; which ju- 
risdiction comprehends all the ports and bays 
of this country, although out of his Admiralty. 

And as to the question, whether it was just 
to grant him such powers, the foresaid Ad- 
miral asserts that their Highnesses could justly 
confer upon him as kings and sovereigns, lords 
who have absolute power over all, and to whom 
only such appointment belongs. 

And their Highnesses, in conferring the fore- 
said office upon the said Admiral, with the 
foresaid comprehension, did no injury to any 
person, nor affected any one's interests, be- 
cause his said Admiralty and its jurisdiction, 
and the Indies and countries over which it is 



PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS 189 

established, were lately and miraculously dis- 
covered, united, and brought under the domin- 
ion of Castile. 

Moreover, the law-suits emanating from the 
said Admiralty, on account of the great dis- 
tance and separation of the countries over which 
»it is established, and being very far from the 
spot to which the merchants of this country 
resort, there would be great inconvenience in 
dividing and separating them from the law- 
suits appertaining to this country; and by di- 
viding and separating the cognizance of them, 
no jurisdiction whatsoever could take place. 

And as their Highnesses, without injury to 
any individual, by their sovereign power did 
justly make such provision, it is very certain 
that by it no injustice is committed; because 
naturally two contraries cannot govern the same 
subject; that, on the contrary, so foreign are 
they, and"^ from existing in one subject, that by 
the species of one we arrive at a knowledge 
of the quality of the other: therefore, it may 
be concluded that the said provision is just. 

* Words lacking in original MS. 



190 PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS 

Even the person of the Admiral proves the 
justice of the said provision; for, taking into 
consideration the quality of the said West In- 
dies, unknown to all the world, it was necessary 
to place there a judge of certain experience, in 
order to execute just judgments; who was there, 
then, who possessed greater experience, or« 
more profound knowledge of the nature of the 
law-suits connected with them, than that Ad- 
miral who has constantly resided in them, and 
miraculously found them through his great 
skill and knowledge of the sea, and by expos- 
ing himself to the innumerable dangers of the 
said sea ? 

CHAPTER V 

By the fifth chapter their Highnesses grant 
to the said Admiral the power of contributing 
the eighth part of any equipment. 

The true meaning of this is, that the said 
Admiral is to have the eighth of whatever ar- 
ticles, in whatsoever manner they may be 
transported to the foresaid Indies, although it 
were for the profit of their Highnesses, or of 



PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS I9I 

any other person whatsoever, deducting the 
eighth of the expenses, pro rata. 

For it must be known that the Admiral con- 
tributed his eighth part, and almost half the 
expense, of the first fleet, by which the Indies 
were acquired; by which he obtained a per- 
petual title to the said eighth, on account of 
the produce of the said expedition being ever- 
lasting. 

Moreover: as he originally went expressly 
to acquire islands and mainland, which are 
unchangeable things, it cannot be explained 
in what manner he would derive any advantage 
of enjoying the eighth, if it were not under- 
derstood that movable things were the scope 
of the said equipment, as is clearly apparent. 

And although the said Admiral in the first 
expedition did not bring back any movables 
from the said Indies, which formed the produce 
and gain of it, he afterward, however, brought 
the said islands and mainland under the do- 
minion of their Highnesses, and left them 
peacefully as their own; and, therefore, it is 
likewise understood, that he consigned and 



192 PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS 

made over to their Highnesses all the mov- 
ables which then and at all future times should 
be found in them; wherefore from that time 
forward their Highnesses could peaceably send 
for all such things, as their own, whatever per- 
son they judged proper. 

Allowing, however, that the said Admiral 
by his contribution to the first expedition had 
not acquired a perpetual right to the foresaid 
eighth, nevertheless, as their Highnesses are 
under the necessity of fitting out vessels to en- 
joy the profit of the said Indies, they cannot 
in justice prevent him from concurring in the 
said expense, and receiving the eighth of the 
profits; and as the expeditions must continu- 
ally go on, because the produce of the Indies 
is continual, the foresaid eighth must forever 
belong to him. 

And as it may be said, that such eighth be- 
longs to him out of the profits of the merchan- 
dise alone, because it is expressed in the article 
of traffic and commerce, that merchandise is 
understood, the truth is, that the said eighth of 
all the movables of the Indies belongs specif- 



PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS I93 

ically to the foresaid Admiral, because the 
said words traffic and commerce comprehend 
every kind of articles that may in any manner 
or at any time exist. 

For the said word traffic is the skill or dili- 
gence that is employed in obtaining the object 
of all commerce; and, finally, the traffic or 
method that was adopted by the said Admiral 
toward the possessors of the said Indies which 
he went to acquire, in order to succeed in his 
intention, which was to acquire them: and as 
he acquired them, whatever is obtained from 
them is exactly what ought to be divided as 
the true produce of such commerce. 

And this other word, negotiation (commerce) 
comes from negotiiim, which means nega otium, 
quia negotinm est quasi nega otinni; so that it 
is generally understood for every kind of thing 
whatsoever, and on that very account compre- 
hends every kind of movable things that are 
to be found in the said Indies. 

And even supposing that the foresaid word 
were not equivocal, and had the precise signifi- 
cation of merchandise, it being true that the 



194 PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS 

said Indies and mainland, and particularly 
Espanola, were acquired by the said Admiral 
rather by gifts of merchandise than by foi;ce of 
arms, the said Indies, with all their products, 
may be justly said to be niercadas (purchase), 
and hence, viercaderia, because from mercar is 
derived the said word viercaderia. 

Moreover: even though the said Admiral 
had acquired by force of arms the said Indies, 
and their Highnesses had sent him expressly 
for the purpose of trafficking, nevertheless he 
would not lose his right to the foresaid eighth 
of them; because the movables that are found 
in them, such as gold, pearls, spices, and other 
articles, are purely and simply merchandise : 
as every movable article that can be purchased 
(excepting consecrated articles) is to be look- 
ed upon as merchandise according to the tenor 
of the laws, which declare: omnia snnt in com- 
inercio nostro. 

Besides: in whatever manner the Admiral 
might have accomplished the object of the 
equipment of the fleet, which was the acquisi- 
tion of the said Indies, the said Admiral had a 



PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS I95 

right to his ei[,^hth; for the gains of the sea, 
and their chances, are exceedingly various, 
fortunate, uncertain, and unexpected; and 
whatever results from them must be divided 
among all, whether it has been obtained by 
force or by stratagem; such being the usage of 
all privateers, of which we have innumerable 
examples. 

For if any merchants were jointly to fit out a 
vessel for the sole purpose of trading in mer- 
chandise, and granted the captain permission 
to contribute a part in the equipment, in order 
to enjoy a correspondent part in the profit; if, 
besides trading, he should capture any town, 
money or vessel of an enemy, it is certain that 
the same quota of such gain would belong to 
him as by right he would have in the merchan- 
dise; because, although the gain proceeds not 
from merchandise, it is the actual result ob- 
tained in consequence of the equipment of the 
vessel. 

And if by chance a factor of any company 
trading in any kingdom should obtain the fa- 
vor of the king of that country by assisting 



196 PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS 

him with loans, or by selhng goods to him at 
a lower price; and if the company should be 
dissolved, and it should happen that the said 
king, through friendship, after such dissolution, 
were to make him a present of anything, the 
factor would be obliged to divide it entirely 
with his associates as the real profit obtained 
through the company, although it has been 
dissolved long since: and thus it has been de- 
cided everywhere, and thus the laws of these 
kingdoms of their Highnesses do declare. 

And the same thing happened not long ago 
in Portugal to a Florentine, the factor of a con- 
siderable company in Florence, who, after 
having rendered many services to the said 
King by loans, and furnishing him with other 
goods, was constrained to give a part to his 
associates of a present which the King made to 
him personally, through friendship, although 
the accounts had been already settled and the 
company dissolved, it being looked upon as a 
real profit emanating from the said company. 

In like manner a certain Captain Lercar, to 
whom their Highnesses made a present for the 



TRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS I97 

attentions he had shown to the Archduchess, 
and as a compensation for the carack, which he 
lost upon the sand-banks, was, by the courts 
of law in Genoa, condemned to give up a part 
of it to his associates, as the real profit; he re- 
ceiving that portion only which belonged to 
him as captain. 

And moreover, if by chance any donation 
should be made by an intimate friend of the 
father to one of his sons, although all other 
presents are regarded as private property, this 
would nevertheless be assigned to the proper- 
ty held in conjunction with the father; because 
the father was the cause of it: and many other 
circumstances happen continually, which might 
be cited upon this head. But passing them 
over in silence, it will be sufficient to collect, 
from all that has been said, that the third of 
the said Indies and mainland justly belongs to 
the said Admiral, as well as the eighth and 
tenth of all movable articles, which in them 
and within the jurisdiction of this Admiralty at 
whatever time, by whatsoever person, and in 
any manner whatsoever may be found ; they 



198 PRIVILEGES OF COLUMBUS 

being the real profit of his foresaid expedition, 
although he may not have contributed to the 
others: this having been dwelt upon at length 
in another writing. 

I shall here finish by declaring to their 
Highnesses, that they conferred the grant of 
all the said offices upon the Admiral, in the 
same manner as they are enjoyed by the Ad- 
miral of the sea of Castile, and that he should 
appoint the alguazil and notaries, and order 
them to execute their duties in his name: and 
this is conformable to the custom of any 
knight to whom their Highnesses may have 
given any commission or office, as may be 
seen in the case of many in Castile, who take 
to themselves the income, and cause the duty 
to be performed by one of their servants, or 
enter into an agreement with some person for 
that purpose, allowing him a certain portion 
of the salary : therefore he again supplicates 
their Highnesses to give him satisfaction, and 
permit him to execute the duties of the said 
offices, and enjoy the emoluments thereof; as 
it was settled by capitulation and special grant. 



LETTER TO FERDINAND AND ISABELLA I99 



LETTER TO FERDINAND AND 
ISABELLA* 

IV /r OST serene, and very high and mighty 
^^ -^ Princes, the King and Queen, our Sov- 
ereigns : My passage from Cadiz to the Ca- 
naries occupied four days, and thence to the 
Indies, from which I wrote, sixteen days. My 
intention was to expedite my voyage as much 
as possible while I had good vessels, good 
crews and stores, and because Jamaica was the 
place to which I was bound. I wrote this in 
Dominica ; and until now my time has been 
occupied in gaining information. 

Up to the period of my reaching these shores 
I experienced most excellent weather, but the 
night of my arrival came on with a dreadful 

* Narrating the events of his fourth voyage to America, 
on which he sailed May 9, 1502. The letter was written 
at Jamaica, July 7, 1503. The translation is by R. H. 
Major, and is printed in his Se/ed Letters of Colutnbus, . . . 
London, 1849. The original text is in Navarrete's Coleccion 
de los Viages, . . . Madrid, 1825. 



200 LETTER TO 

tempest, and the same bad weather has con- 
tinued ever since. On reaching the island of 
Espaiiola I despatched a packet of letters, by 
which I begged as a favor that a ship should 
be supplied me at my own cost in lieu of one 
of those that I had brought with me, which 
had become unseaworthy, and could no lon- 
ger carry sail. The letters were taken, and 
your Highnesses will know if a reply has been 
given to them. For my part I was forbidden 
to go on shore; the hearts of my people failed 
them lest I should take them further, and they 
said that if any danger were to befall them, 
they should receive no succor, but, on the 
contrary, in all probability have some great 
affront offered them. Moreover every man 
had it in his power to tell me that the new 
Governor would have the superintendence of 
the countries that I might acquire. 

The tempest was terrible throughout the 
night, all the ships were separated, and each 
one driven to the last extremity, without hope 
of anything but death; each of them also 
looked upon the loss of the rest as a matter of 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 201 

certainty. What man was ever born, not even 
excepting Job, who would not have been 
ready to die of despair at finding himself as I 
then was, in anxious fear for my own safety, 
and that of my son, my brother and my friends, 
and yet refused permission either to land or to 
put into harbor on the shores which by God's 
mercy I had gained for Spain with so much 
toil and danger ? 

But to return to the ships: although the 
tempest had so completely separated them 
from me as to leave me single, yet the Lord 
restored them to me in His own good time. 
The ship which we had the greatest fear for, 
had put out to sea for safety, and reached the 
island of Gallega, having lost her boat and a 
great part of her provisions, which latter loss, 
indeed, all the ships suffered. The vessel in 
which I was, though dreadfully buffeted, was 
saved by our Lord's mercy from any injury 
whatever; my brother went in the ship that 
was unsound, and he under God was the cause 
of its being saved. With this tempest I strug- 
gled on till I reached Jamaica, and there the 



202 LETTER TO 

sea became calm, but there was a strong cur- 
rent which carried me as far as the Queen's 
Garden* without seeing land. Hence as op- 
portunity offered I pushed on for terra firma, 
in spite of the wind and a fearful contrary cur- 
rent, against which I contended for sixty days, 
and during that time only made seventy 
leagues. All this time I was unable to get 
into harbor, nor was there any cessation of the 
tempest, which was one continuation of rain, 
thunder and lightning; indeed it seemed as if it 
'were the end of the world. I at length 
reached Cape of Gracias a Dios,t and after that 
the Lord granted me fair wind and tide; this 
was on the twelfth of September. Eighty-eight 
days did this fearful tempest continue, during 
which I was at sea, and saw neither sun nor 
stars; my ships lay exposed, with sails torn, 
and anchors, rigging, cables, boats and a great 
/ quantity of provisions lost; my people were 
f very weak and humbled in spirit, many of 
them promising to lead a religious life, and all 

■^ A name given to a group of islands south of Cuba. 
fin Honduras, 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 203 

making vows and promising to perform pil- 
grimages, while some of them would frequently 
go to their messmates to make confession. ) 
Other tempests have been experienced, but 
never of so long duration or so fearful as this: 
many whom we look upon as brave men, on 
several occasions showed considerable trepida- 
tion; but the distress of my son- w^ho was with 
me grieved me to the soul, and the more when I 
considered his tender age, for he was but thir- 
teen years old, and he enduring so much toil 
for so long a time. Our Lord, however, gave 
him strength even to enable him to encourage 
the rest, and he worked as if he had been 
eighty years at sea, and all this was a consola- 
tion to me. I myself had fallen sick, and was ' 
many times at the point of death, but from a 
little cabin that I had caused to be constructed 
on deck, I directed our course. My brother 
was in the ship that was in the worst condition 
and the most exposed to danger; and my grief 
on this account was the greater that I brought 
him with me against his will. 

*This was Ferdinand, his natural son. 



204 LETTER TO 

Such is my fate, that the twenty years of 
service through which I have passed with so 
much toil and danger have profited me noth- 
ing, and at this very day I do not possess a 
I roof in Spain that I can call my own; if I wish 
to eat or sleep, I have nowhere to go but to 
the inn or tavern, and most times lack where- 
with to pay the bill. Another anxiety wrung 
my very heart-strings, which was the thought 
of my son Diego, whom I had left an orphan, 
in Spain, and stripped of the honor and prop- 
erty which were due to him, on my account, 
although I had looked upon it as a certainty, 
that your Majesties, as just and grateful Princes, 
would restore it to him in all respects with in- 
crease. I reached the land of Cariay, where I 
stopped to repair my vessels and take in pro- 
visions, as well as to afford relaxation to the 
men, who had become very weak. I myself 
(who, as I said before, had been several times 
at the point of death) gained information re- 
specting the gold mines of which I was in 
search, in the province of Ciamba; and two 
Indians conducted me to Carambaru, where 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 205 

the people (who go naked) wear golden mir- 
rors round their necks, which they will neither 
sell, give, nor part with for any consideration. 
They named to me many places on the sea- 
coast where there were both gold and mines. 
The last that they mentioned was Veragua, 
which was five-and-twenty leagues distant from 
the place where we then were. I started with 
the intention of visiting all of them, but when I 
had reached the middle of my journey I learned 
that there were other mines at so short a dis- 
tance that they might be reached in two days. 
I determined on sending to see them. It was 
on the eve of St. Simon and St. Jude, which 
was the day fixed for our departure ; but that 
night there arose so violent a storm that we 
were forced to go wherever it drove us, and 
the Indian who was to conduct us to the mines 
was with us all the time. As I had found 
everything true that had been told me, in the 
different places which I had visited, I felt 
satisfied it would be the same with respect to 
Ciguare, which, according to their account, is 
nine days' journey across the country west- 



206 LETTER TO 

ward: they tell me there is a great quantity of 
gold there, and that the inhabitants wear coral 
ornaments on their heads, and very large coral 
bracelets and anklets, with which article also 
they adorn and inlay their seats, boxes and 
tables. They also said that the women there 
wore necklaces hanging down to their shoul- 
ders. All the people agree in the report I 
now repeat, and their account is so favorable 
that I should be content with the tithe of the 
advantages that their description holds out. 
They are all likewise acquainted with the 
pepper-plant ; according to the account of 
these people, the inhabitants of Ciguare are 
accustomed to hold fairs and markets for 
carrying on their commerce, and they showed 
me also the mode and form in which they 
transact their various exchanges ; others as- 
sert that their ships carry guns, and that the 
men go clothed and use bows and arrows, 
swords and cuirasses, and that on shore they 
have horses, which they use in battle, and that 
they wear rich clothes and have most excel- 
lent houses. They also say that the sea sur- 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 20/ 

rounds Ciguare, and that at ten days' journey 
from thence is the river Ganges ; these lands 
appear to hold the same relation to Veragua, as 
Tortosa to Fontarabia, or Pisa to Venice. 
When I left Carambaru, and reached the 
places in its neighborhood, which I have 
above mentioned as being spoken of by the 
Indians, I found the customs of the people 
correspond with the accounts that had been 
given of them, except as regarded the golden 
mirrors : any man who had one of them would 
willingly part with it for three Hawk's-bells, 
although they were equivalent in weight to 
ten or fifteen ducats. These people resemble 
the natives of Espanola in all their habits. 
They have various modes of collecting the 
gold, none of which will bear comparison with 
the plans adopted by the Christians. 

All that I have here stated is from hearsay. 
This, however, I know, that in the year ninety- 
four I sailed twenty-four degrees to the west- 
ward in nine hours, and there can be no mis- 
take upon the subject, because there was an 
eclipse; the sun was in Libra, and the moon in 



208 LETTER TO 

Aries. What I had learned by the mouth of 
these people I already knew in detail from 
books. Ptolemy thought that he had satisfac- 
torily corrected Marinus, and yet this latter 
appears to have come very near the truth/'^* 
Ptolemy places Catigara at a distance of twelve 
lines to the west of his meridian, which he fixes 
at two degrees and a third above Cape St. Vin- 
cent, in Portugal. Marinus comprises the earth 
and its limits in fifteen lines, and the same au- 
thor describes the Indus in Ethiopia as being 
more than four- and- twenty degrees from the 
equinoctial line, and now that the Portuguese 
have sailed there, they find it correct. f Ptol- 
emy says also that the most southern land is 
the first boundary, and that it does not go 
lower down than fifteen degrees and a third. 
The world is but small; out of seven divisions 



* This was in reference to the diameter of the earth, and 
to the extent of the Indies. It is needless to mention that 
it was the erroneous theories on this subject which induced 
Columbus to believe that he could reach the Indies by 
sailing westward, and led him to make the attempt. 

f The expedition under Vasco de Gama, which sailed in 
1497, and reached India via the Cape of Good Hope. 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 209 

of it the dry part occupies six, and the seventh 
is entirely covered by water. Experience has 
shown it, and I have written it with quotations 
from the Holy Scripture, in other letters, where 
I have treated of the situation of the terrestrial 
paradise, as approved by the holy Church; and 
I say that the world is not so large as vulgar 
opinion makes it, and that one degree from the 
equinoctial line measures fifty-six miles and 
two-thirds; and this maybe proved to a nicety. 
But I leave this subject, which it is not my in- 
tention now to treat upon, but simply to give a 
narrative of my laborious and painful voyage, 
although of all my voyages it is the most hon- 
orable and advantageous. I have said that 
on the eve of St. Simon and St. Jude I ran be- 
fore the wind v/herever it took me, without 
power to resist it; at length I found shelter for 
ten days from the roughness of the sea and the 
tempest overhead, and resolved not to attempt 
to go back to the mines, which I regarded as 
already in our possession. When I started in 
pursuance of my voyage it was under a heavy 
rain, and reaching the harbor of Bastimentos 



2IO LETTER TO 

I put in, though much against my will. The 
storm and a rapid current kept me in for four- 
teen days, when I again set sail, but not with 
favorable weather. After I had made fifteen 
leagues with great exertions, the wind and the 
current drove me back again with great fury, 
but in again making for the port which I had 
quitted, I found on the way another port, which 
I named Retrete, where I put in for shelter 
with as much risk as regret, the ships being in 
sad condition, and my crews and myself ex- 
ceedingly fatigued. I remained there fifteen 
days, kept in by stress of weather, and when I 
fancied my troubles were at an end, I found 
them only begun. Itwasl:hen that I changed 
my resolution with respect to proceeding to the 
mines, and proposed doing something in the in- 
terim, until the weather should prove more fa- 
vorable for my voyage. I had already made four 
leagues when the storm recommenced, and 
wearied me to such a degree that I absolutely 
knew not what to do; my wound reopened, 
and for nine days my life was despaired of; 
never was the sea so high, so terrific, and so 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 21] 

covered with foam; not only did the wind op 
pose our proceeding onward, but it also ren 
dered it highly dangerous to run in for any \ 
headland, and kept me in that sea which seem- 
ed to me as a sea of blood, seething like a 
cauldron on a mighty fire. Never did the sky 
look more fearful; during one day and one j 
night it burned like a furnace, and every in- ! 
stant I looked to see if my masts and my sails 
were not destroyed; for the lightnings flashed 
with such alarming fury that we all thought , 
the ships must have been consumed. All this | 
time the waters from heaven never ceased de- " 
scending, not to say that it rained, for it was 
like a repetition of the deluge. The men were 
at this time so crushed in spirit that they long- 
ed for death as a deliverance from so many 
martyrdoms. Twice already had the ships suf- 
fered loss in boats, anchors, and rigging, and 
were now lying bare without sails. 

When it pleased our Lord, I returned to 
Puerto Gordo, where I recruited my condition 
as well as I could. I then once more attempted 
the voyage toward Veragua, although I was 



212 LETTER TO 

by no means in a fit state to undertake it. The 
wind and currents were still contrary. I ar- 
rived at nearly the same spot as before, and 
there again the wind and currents still opposed 
my progress; and once again I was compelled 
to put into port, not daring to encounter the 
opposition of Saturn with such a boisterous sea, 
and on so formidable a coast; for it almost al- 
ways brings on a tempest or severe weather. 
This was on Christmas-day, about the hour of 
mass. Thus, after all these fatigues, I had once 
inore to return to the spot from whence I start- 
ed; and when the new year had set in, I re- 
turned again to my task; but although I had 
fine weather for my voyage, the ships were no 
longer in a sailing condition, and my people 
were either dying or very sick. On the day of 
the Epiphany, I reached Veragua in a state of 
exhaustion; there, by our Lord's goodness, I 
found a river and a safe harbor, although at 
the entrance there were only ten spans of water. 
I succeeded in making an entry, but with great 
difficulty; and on the following day the storm 
recommenced, and had I been still on the out- 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 213 

side at that time I should have been unable to 
enter on account of the reef. It rained without 
ceasing until the fourteenth of February, so 
that I could find no opportunity of penetrating 
into the interior, nor of recruiting my condition 
in any respect whatever; and on the twenty- 
fourth of January, when I considered myself in 
perfect safety, the river suddenly rose with 
great violence to a considerable height, break- 
ing my cables and the supports to which they 
were fastened, and nearly carrying away my 
ships altogether, which certainly appeared to 
me to be in greater danger than ever. Our / 
Lord, however, brought a remedy as He has | 
always done. I do not know if any one else | 
ever suffered greater trials. 

On the sixth of February, while it was still 
raining, I sent seventy men on shore to go into 
the interior, and at five leagues' distance they 
found several mines. The Indians who went 
with them conducted them to a very lofty 
mountain, and thence showing the country all 
round, as far as the eye could reach, told them 
there was gold in every part, and that, toward 



214 LETTER TO 

the west, the mines extended twenty days' 
journey; they also recounted the names of the 
towns and villages where there was more or 
less of it. I afterward learned that the Cacique 
Quibian, who had lent these Indians, had or- 
dered them to show the distant mines, and which 
belonged to an enemy of his; but that in his 
own territory one man might, if he would, col- 
lect in ten days a great abundance of gold. I 
bring with me some Indians, his servants, who 
are witnesses of this fact. The boats went up 
to the spot where the dwellings of these peo- 
ple are situated; and after four hours my 
brother returned with the guides, all of them 
bringing back gold which they had collected 
at that place. The gold must be abundant, and 
of good quality, for none of these men had 
ever seen mines before; very many of them 
had never seen pure gold, and most of them 
were seamen and lads. Having building ma- 
terials in abundance, I established a settlement, 
and made many presents to Quibian, which is 
the name they gave to the lord of the coun- 
try. I plainly saw that harmony would not 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 21 5 

last long, for the natives are of a very rough 
disposition, and the Spaniards very encroach- 
ing; and, moreover, I had taken possession of 
land belonging to Quibian. When he saw 
what we did, and found the traffic increasing, 
he resolved upon burning the houses, and put- 
ting us all to death; but his project did not 
succeed, for we took him prisoner, together 
with his wives, his children, and his servants. 
His captivity, it is true, lasted but a short time, 
for he eluded the custody of a trustworthy man, 
into whose charge he had been given, with a 
guard of men; and his sons escaped from a 
ship, in which they had been placed under the 
special charge of the master. 

In the month of January the mouth of the 
river was entirely closed up, and in April the 
vessels were so eaten with the teredo,* that 
they could scarcely be kept above water. At 
this time the river forced a channel for itself, 
by which I managed, with great difficulty, to 
extricate three of them after I had unloaded 
them. The boats were then sent back into the 

* The mollusk that bores through the bottoms of vessels. 



r 



2l6 LETTER TO 

river for water and salt, but the sea became so 
high and furious, that it afforded them no 
chance of exit; upon which the Indians col- 
lected themselves together in great numbers, 
and made an attack upon the boats, and at 
length massacred the men. My brother, and 
all the rest of our people, were in a ship which 
remained inside; I was alone, outside, upon 
that dangerous coast, suffering from a severe 
fever and worn with fatigue. All hope of 
escape w^as gone. I toiled up to the highest 
part of the ship, and, with a quivering voice 
and fast-falling tears, I called upon your High- 
nesses' war-captains from each point of the 
compass to come to my succor, but there was 
no reply. At length, groaning with exhaustion, 
I fell asleep, and heard a compassionate voice 
address me thus: " O fool, and slow to believe 
and to serve thy God, the God of all; what did 
He do more for Moses, or for David his serv- 
ant, than He has done for thee ? From thine 
infancy He has kept thee under His constant 
and watchful care. When He saw thee arrived 
at an age which suited His designs respecting 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 21/ 

thee, He brought wonderful renown to thy 
name throughout all the land. He gave thee 
for thine own the Indies, which form so rich a . 
portion of the world, and thou hast divided 
them as it pleased thee, for He gave thee power 
to do so. He gave thee the keys of those bar- 
riers of the ocean sea ^^'hich were closed with 
such mighty chains; and thou \\ast obeyed 
through many lands, and gained an honorable 
fame throughout Christendom. What more 
did the Most High do for the people of Israel, 
when He brought them out of Eg}'pt ? or for 
David, whom from a shepherd He made to be 
a king in Judea ? Turn to Him, and acknowl- 
edge thine error — His mercy is infinite. Thine 
old age shall not prevent thee from accom- 
plishing any great undertaking. He holds un- 
der His sway the greatest possessions. Abra- 
ham had exceeded a hundred years of age 
when he begat Isaac; nor was Sarah young. 
Thou criest out for uncertain help; answer, 
who has afflicted thee so much and so often, 
God or the world ? The privileges promised 
by God He never fails in bestowing; nor does 



2l8 LETTER TO 

He ever declare, after a service has been ren- 
dered Him, that such was not agreeable with 
His intention, or that He had regarded the 
matter in another light; nor does He inflict 
suffering, in order to give effect to the mani- 
festation of His povv^er. His acts answer to His 
words; and it is His custom to perform all His 
promises with interest. Thus I have told you 
what the Creator has done for thee, and what 
He does for all men. Even now He partially 
shows thee the reward of so many toils and 
dangers incurred by thee in the service of oth- 
ers." 

I heard all this, as it were, in a trance; but 
I had no answer to give in definite words, and 
could but weep for my errors. He who spoke 
to me, whoever it was, concluded by saying, 
" Fear not, trust; all these tribulations are re- 
corded on marble, and not without cause." I 
rose as soon as I could; and at the end of nine 
days there came fine weather, but not sufifi- 
ciently so as to allow of drawing the vessels 
out of the river. I collected the men who 
were on land, and, in fact, all of them that I 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 219 

could, because there were not enough to admit 
of one party remaining on shore while another 
stayed on board to work the vessel. I myself 
should have remained with my men to defend 
the buildings I had constructed, had your 
Highnesses been cognizant of all the facts; 
but the doubt whether any ships would ever 
reach the spot where we were, as well as the 
thought, that while I was asking for succor I 
might bring succor to myself, made me de- 
cide upon leaving. I. departed, in the name 
of the Holy Trinity, on Easter night, with the 
ships rotten, worn out, and eaten into holes. 
One of them I left at Belen, with a supply of 
necessaries; I did the same at Belpuerto. I 
then had only two left, and they in the same 
state as the others. I was without boats or 
provisions, and in this condition I had to cross 
seven thousand miles of sea; or, as an alterna- 
tive, to die on the passage with my son, my 
brother, and so many of my people. Let those 
who are accustomed to slander and aspersion, 
ask, while they sit in security at home, '* Why 
didst thou not do so and so under such circum- 



\i 



220 LETTER TO 

stances ? " I wish that they were now em- 
barked in this voyage. I verily beHeve that 
another journey of another kind awaits them, 
if there is any reliance to be placed upon our 
holy faith. 

On the thirteenth of May I reached the prov- 
ince of Mago, which is contiguous to that of 
Cathay, and thence I started for the island of 
Espanola. I sailed two days with a good 
wind, after which it became contrary. The 
route that I followed called forth all my care 
to avoid the numerous islands, that I might 
not be stranded on the shoals that lie in their 
neighborhood. The sea was very tempestuous, 
and I was driven backwards under bare poles. 
I anchored at an island, where I lost, at one 
stroke, three anchors; and at midnight, when 
the weather w^as such that the world appeared 
to be coming to an end, the cables of the other 
ship broke, and it came down upon my vessel 
with such force that it was a wonder we were 
not dashed to pieces ; the single anchor that 
remained to me, was, next to the Lord, our 
only preservation. After six days, when the 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 221 

weather became calm, I resumed my journey, 
having- ah'cady lost all my tackle ; my ships 
were pierced with worm-holes, like a bee-hive, 
and the crew entirely dispersed and down- 
hearted. I reached the island a little beyond 
the point at which I first arrived at it, and there 
I stayed to recover myself from the effects of 
the storm ; but I afterward put into a much 
safer port in the same island. After eight 
days I put to sea again, and reached Jamaica 
by the end of June ; but always beating 
against contrary winds, and with the ships 
in the worst possible condition. With three 
pumps, and the use of pots and kettles, we 
could scarcely clear the water that came into 
the ship ; there being no remedy but this for 
the mischief done by the ship-worm. I steered 
in such a manner as to come as near as possi- 
ble to Espanola, from which we were twenty- 
eight leagues distant, but I afterward wished I 
had not done so, for the other ship, which was 
half under water, was obliged to run in for a 
port. I determined on keeping the sea in spite 
of the weather, and my vessel was on the very 



222 LETTER TO 

point of sinking when our Lord miraculously 
brought us upon land. Who will believe what 
I now write ? I assert that in this letter I 
have not related one-hundredth part of the 
wonderful events that occurred in this voyage ; 
those who were with the Admiral can bear 
witness to it. If your Highnesses would be 
graciously pleased to send to my help a ship 
of about sixty-four tons, with two hundred 
quintals of biscuit and other provisions, there 
would then be sufficient to carry me and my 
crew from Espaiiola to Spain. I have already 
said that there are not twenty-eight leagues 
between Jamaica and Espanola ; and I should 
not have gone there, even if the ships had 
been in a fit condition for so doing, because 
your Highnesses ordered me not to land there. 
God knows if this command has proved of any 
service. I send this letter by means of and by 
the hands of Indians ; it will be a miracle if it 
reaches its destination. 

This is the account I have to give of my 
voyage. The men who accompanied me were 
a hundred and fifty in number, among whom 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 223 

were many calculated for pilots and good sail- 
ors, but none of them can explain whither I 
went nor whence I came ; the reason is very 
simple : I started from a point above the port 
of Brazil, and while I was in Espanola, the 
storm prevented me from following my in- 
tended route, for I was obliged to go wherever 
the wind drove me; at the same time I fell 
very sick, and there was no one who had navi- 
gated in these parts before. However, after 
some days, the wind and sea became tranquil, 
and the storm was succeeded by a calm, but 
accompanied with rapid currents. I put into 
harbor at an island called Isla de las Bocas, 
and then steered for terra firma; but it is im- 
possible to give a correct account of all our 
movements, because I was carried away by 
the current so many days without seeing land. 
I ascertained, however, by the compass and 
by observation, that I moved parallel with the 
coast of terra firma. No one could tell under 
what part of the heavens we were, nor at what 
period I bent my course for the island of Es- 
paiiola. The pilots thought we had come to 



224 LETTER TO 

the island of St. John, whereas it was the land 
of Mango, four hundred leagues to the w^est- 
ward of where they said. Let them answer 
and say if they know where Veragua is situ- 
ated. I assert that they can give no other ac- 
count than that they went to lands wdiere 
there was an abundance of gold, and this they 
can certify surely enough ; but they do not 
know the way to return thither for such a pur- 
pose ; they would be obliged to go on a voy- 
age of discovery as much as if they had never 
been there before. There is a mode of reckon- 
ing derived from astronomy which is sure and 
safe, and a sufficient guide to any one who 
understands it. This resembles a prophetic 
vision. The Indian vessels do not sail except 
with the wind abaft, but this is not because 
they are badly built or clumsy, but because the 
strong currents in those parts, together with 
the wind, render it impossible to sail with the 
bow-line, for in one day they would lose as 
much way as they might have made in seven ; 
for the same reason I could make no use of 
caravels, even though they were Portuguese 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 225 

lattccns. This is the cause that they do not 
sail unless with a regular breeze, and they will 
sometimes stay in harbor waiting for this seven 
or eight months at a time ; nor is this any- 
thing wonderful, for the same very often occurs 
in Spain. The nation of which Pope Pius 
writes has now been found, judging at least 
by the situation and other evidences, except- 
ing the horses with the saddles and poitrels 
and bridles of gold ; but this is not to be won- 
dered at, for the lands on the sea-coast are only 
inhabited by fishermen, and moreover I made 
no stay there, because I was in haste to pro- 
ceed on my voyage. In Cariay and the neigh- 
boring country there are great enchanters of a 
very fearful character. They would have given 
the world to prevent my remaining there an 
hour. When I arrived they sent me imme- 
diately two girls very showily dressed ; the ^ 
eldest could not be more than eleven years of i 
age, and the other seven, and both exhibited ' 
so much immodesty that more could not be 
expected from public women ; they carried '' 
concealed about them a magic powder ; when 



226 LETTER TO 

they came I gave them some articles to dress 
themselves out with, and directly sent them 
back to the shore. I saw here, built on a 
mountain, a sepulchre as large as a house, and 
elaborately sculptured ; the body lay uncover- 
ed and with the face downward ; they also 
spoke to me of other very excellent works of 
art. There are many species of animals, both 
small and large, and very different from those 
of our country. I had at the time two pigs 
and an Irish dog, who was always in great 
dread of them. An archer had wounded an 
animal like an ape, except that it was larger, 
and had a face like a man's ; the arrow had 
pierced it from the neck to the tail, which 
made it so fierce that they were obliged to dis- 
able it by cutting off one of its arms and a leg; 
one of the pigs grew wild on seeing this, and 
fled ; upon which I ordered the bcgare (as the 
inhabitants called him), to be thrown to the 
pig, and though the animal was nearly dead, 
and the arrow had passed quite through his 
body, yet he threw his tail round the snout of 
the pig, and then, holding him firmly, seized 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 22/ 

him by the nape of the neck with his remain- 
ing hand, as if he were engaged with an enemy. 
This action was so novel and so extraordinary 
that I have thought it worth while to describe 
it here. There is a great variety of animals 
here, but they all die of the barra. I saw some 
very large fowls (the feathers of which re- 
semble wool), lions, stags, fallow-deer and 
birds. 

When we were so harassed with our trou- 
bles at sea, some of our men imagined that 
we were under the influence of sorcery, and 
even to this day entertain the same notion. 
Some of the people whom I discovered were 
cannibals, as was evidenced by the brutality of 
their countenances. They say that there are 
great mines of copper in the country, of which 
they make hatchets and other elaborate arti- 
cles, both cast and soldered; they also make 
of it forges, with all the apparatus of the gold- 
smith, and crucibles. The inhabitants go 
clothed; and in that province T saw some large 
sheets of cotton, very elaborately and cleverly 
worked, and others very delicately penciled 



228 LETTER TO 

in colors. They tell me that more inland, tow- 
ard Cathay, they have them interwoven with 
gold. For want of an interpreter we were able 
to learn but very little respecting these coun- 
tries, or what they contain. Although the coun- 
try is very thickly peopled, yet each nation has 
a very different language; indeed, so much so 
that they can no more understand each other 
than we understand the Arabs. I think, how- 
ever, that this applies to the barbarians on the 
seacoast, and not to the people who live more 
inland. When I discovered the Indies I said 
that they composed the richest lordship in the 
world: I spoke of gold and pearls and precious 
stones, of spices and the traffic that might be 
carried on in them; and because these things 
were not forthcoming at once, I was abused. 
This punishment causes me to refrain from re- 
lating anything but what the natives tell me. 
One thing I can venture upon stating, because 
there are so many witnesses of it, viz., that in 
this land of Veragua I saw more signs of gold 
in the first two days than I saw in Espanola 
during four years, and that there is not a more 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 229 

fertile or better cultivated country in all the 
world, nor one whose inhabitants are more 
timid; added to which, there is a good harbor, 
a beautiful river, and the whole place is capa- 
ble of being easily put into a state of defence. 
All this tends to the security of the Christians 
and the permanency of their sovereignty, while 
it affords the hope of great increase and honor 
to the Christian religion; moreover, the road 
hither will be as short as that to Espanola, 
because there is a certainty of a fair wind for 
the passage. Your Highnesses are as much 
lords of this country as of Xerez or Toledo, 
and your ships that may come here will do so 
with the same freedom as if they were going to 
your own royal palace. From hence they will 
obtain gold., and whereas, if they should wish 
to become masters of the products of other 
lands, they will have to take them by force or 
retire empty-handed, in this country they will 
simply have to trust their persons in the hands 
of a savage. 

I have already explained my reason for re- 
fraining to treat of other subjects respecting 



230 LETTER TO 

which I might speak. I do not state as cer- 
tain, nor do I confirm even the sixth part of 
all that I have said or written, nor do I pre- 
tend to be at the fountain-head of the informa- 
tion. The Genoese, Venetians, and all other 
nations that possess pearls, precious stones, 
and other articles of value, take them to the 
ends of the world to exchange them for gold. 
Gold is the most precious of all commodities; 
gold constitutes treasure, and he who possess- 
es it has all he needs in this world, as also 
the means of rescuing souls from purgatory, 
and restoring them to the enjoyment of para- 
dise. They say that when one of the lords of 
the country of Veragua dies, they bury all the 
gold he possessed with his body. There were 
brought to Solomon at one journey six hundred 
and sixty-six quintals of gold, besides what 
the merchants and sailors brought, and that 
which was paid in Arabia. Of this gold he 
made 200 lances and 300 shields, and the en- 
tablature which was above them was also of 
gold, and ornamented with precious stones : 
many other things he made likewise of gold, 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 23 1 

and a great number of vessels of great size, 
which he enriched with precious stones. This 
is related by Josephus in his Chronicle de 
" Antiquitatibus ;" mention is also made of it 
in the Chronicles and in the Book of Kings. 
Josephus thinks that this gold was found in the 
Aurea; if it were so, I contend that these 
mines of the Aurea are identical with those of 
Veragua, which, as I have said before, extends 
westward twenty days' journey, at an equal 
distance from the Pole and the Line. Solomon 
bought all of it — gold, precious stones and 
silver — but your Majesties need only to send 
to seek them to have them at your pleasure. 
David, in his will, left three thousand quintals 
of Indian gold to Solomon, to assist in building 
the Temple; and, according to Josephus, it 
came from these lands. Jerusalem and Mount 
Zion are to be rebuilt by the hands of Chris- 
tians, as God has declared by the mouth of 
His prophet in the Fourteenth Psalm. The 
Abbe Joaquim said that he who should do this 
was to come from Spain; Saint Jerome showed 
the holy woman the way to accomplish it; and 



232 LETTER TO 

the Emperor of China has, some time since, 
sent for wise men to instruct him in the faith 
of Christ. Who will offer himself for this 
work ? Should any one do so, I pledge my- 
self, in the name of God, to convey him safely 
thither, provided the Lord permits me to re- 
turn to Spain. The people who have sailed 
with me have passed through incredible toil 
and danger, and I beseech your Highnesses, 
since they are poor, to pay them promptly, and 
to be gracious to each of them according to 
their respective merits ; for I can safely assert, 
that to my belief they are the bearers of the 
best news that ever were carried to Spain. 
With respect to the gold which belongs to 
Quibian, the cacique of Veragua, and other 
chiefs in the neighboring country, although it 
appears by the accounts we have received of it 
to be very abundant, I do not think it would 
be well or desirable, on the part of your High- 
nesses, to take possession of it in the way of 
plunder; by fair dealing, scandal and disrepute 
will be avoided, and all the gold will thus 
reach your Highnesses' treasury without the 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 233 

loss of a grain. With one month of fair weath- 
er I shall complete my voyage. As I was de- 
ficient in ships, I did not persist in delaying 
my course; but in everything that concerns 
your Highnesses' service, I trust in Him who 
made me, and I hope also that my health will 
be reestablished. I think your Highnesses 
will remember that I had intended to build 
some ships in a new manner, but the shortness 
of the time did not permit it. I had certainly 
foreseen how things would be. I think more 
of this opening for commerce, and of the lord- 
ship over such extensive mines, than of all that 
has been done in the Indies. This is not a 
child to be left to the care of a stepmother. 

I never think of Espanola, and Paria, and 
other countries, w^ithout shedding tears. I 
thought that what had occurred there would 
have been an example for others; on the con- 
trary, these settlements are now in a languid 
state, although not dead, and the malady is in- 
curable, or at least very extensive: let him who 
brought the evil come now and cure it, if he 
knows the remedy, or how to apply it; but 



234 LETTER TO 

when a disturbance is on foot, every one is 
ready to take the lead. It used to be the cus- 
tom to give thanks and promotion to him who 
placed his person in jeopardy; but there is no 
justice in allowing the man who opposed this 
undertaking to enjoy the fruits of it with his 
children. Those who left the Indies, avoiding 
the toils consequent upon the enterprise, and 
speaking evil of it and me, have since returned 
with official appointments: such is the case now 
in Veragua: it is an evil example, and profit- 
less both as regards the business in which we 
are embarked and as respects the general main- 
tenance of justice. The fear of this, with other 
sufficient considerations which I clearly fore- 
saw, caused me to beg your Highnesses, pre- 
viously to my coming to discover these islands 
and terra firma, to grant me permission to gov- 
ern in your royal name. Your Highnesses 
granted my request; and it was a privilege and 
treaty granted under the royal seal and oath, 
by which I was nominated Viceroy, and Admi- 
ral, and Governor-General of all: and your 
Highnesses limited the extent of my govern- 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 235 

ment to a hundred leagues beyond the Azores 
and Cape Verd Islands, by a line passing from 
one pole to the other, and gave me ample pow- 
er over all that I might discover beyond this 
line; all which is more fully described in the 
official document. 

But the most important affair of all, and that 
which cries most loudly for redress, remains in- 
explicable to this moment. For seven years was 
I at your royal court, where every one to whom 
the enterprise was mentioned treated it as ri- 
diculous; but now there is not a man, down to 
the very tailors, who does not beg to be allowed 
to become a discoverer. There is reason to 
believe that they make the voyage only for 
plunder, and that they are permitted to do so, 
to the great disparagement of my honor, and 
the detriment of the undertaking itself. It is 
right to give God his due, and to receive that 
which belongs to one's self. This is a just sen- 
timent and proceeds from just feelings. The 
lands in this part of the world which are now 
under your Highnesses' sway, are richer and 
more extensive than those of any other Chris- 



N 



236 LETTER TO 

tian power, and yet, after that I had, by the 
Divine will, placed them under your high and 
royal sovereignty and was on the point of 
bringing your Majesties into the receipt of a 
very great and unexpected revenue; and while 
I was waiting for ships to convey me in safety, 
and with a heart full of joy, to your royal pres- 
ence, victoriously to announce the news of the 
gold that I had discovered, I was arrested and 
thrown, with my two brothers, loaded with 
irons, into a ship, stripped, and very ill-treated, 
without being allowed any appeal to justice. 
Who could believe that a poor foreigner would 
have risen against your Highnesses, in such a 
place, without any motive or argument on his 
side; without even the assistance of any other 
prince upon which to rely; but on the con- 
trary, amongst your own vassals and nat- 
ural subjects, and with my sons staying at 
your royal court? I was twenty-eight years 
old when I came into your Highnesses' ser- 
vice, and now I have not a hair upon me that 
is not grey; my body is infirm, and all that was 
left to me, as well as to my brothers, has been 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 237 

taken away and sold, even to the frock that I 
wore, to my great dishonor. I cannot but be- 
lieve that this was done without your royal 
permission. The restitution of my honor, the 
reparation of my losses, and the punishment 
of those who have inflicted them, will redound 
to the honor of your royal character; a similar 
punishment also is due to those who plundered 
me of my pearls, and who have brought a dis- 
paragement upon the privileges of my Admi- 
ralty. Great and unexampled will be the 
glory and fame of your Highnesses, if you do 
this; and the memory of your Highnesses, as 
just and grateful sovereigns, will survive as a 
bright example to Spain in future ages. The 
honest devotedness I have always shown to 
your Majesties' service, and the so unmerited 
outrage with which it has been repaid, will not 
allow my soul to keep silence, however much 
I may wish it: I implore your Highnesses to 
forgive my complaints. I am indeed in as 
ruined a condition as I have related; hitherto 
I have wept over others; may Heaven now 
have mercy upon me, and may the earth weep 



238 LETTER TO 

for me. With regard to temporal things, I 
have not even a blanca for an offering; and in 
spiritual things, I have ceased here in the Indies 
from observing the prescribed forms of relig- 
ion. Solitary in my trouble, sick, and in daily 
expectation of death, surrounded by millions 
of hostile savages full of cruelty, and thus sep- 
arated from the blessed sacraments of our holy 
Church, how will my soul be forgotten if it be 
separated from the body in this foreign land ? 
Weep for me, whoever has charity, truth, and 
justice ! I did not come out on this voyage to 
gain to myself honor or wealth; this is a cer- 
tain fact, for at that time all hope of such a thing 
was dead. I do not lie when I say that I went 
to your Highnesses with honest purpose of 
heart and sincere zeal in your cause. I hum- 
bly beseech your Highnesses, that if it please 
God to rescue me from this place, you will 
graciously sanction my pilgrimage to Rome 
and other holy places. May the Holy Trinity 
protect your Highnesses' lives, and add to the 
prosperity of your exalted position. 

Done in the Indies, in the island of Jamaica, 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 239 

on the seventh of July, in the year one thou- 
sand five hundred and three. 



240 WILL OF COLUMBUS 



WILL OF COLUMBUS* 

In the noble city of Valladolid, on the nineteenth day of 
the month of May, in the year of the birth of our Saviour 
Jesus Christ one thousand five hundred and six, before 
me, Pedro de Hinojedo, clerk of the council of their 
Highnesses, provincial clerk in their court and chan- 
cellery, clerkand notary public in all their kingdoms and 
seigniories; and of subscribing witnesses: Senor Don 
Cristobal Colon, Admiral, Viceroy, and Governor-Gen- 
eral of the islands and mainland of the Indies discovered 
and by him designated; being infirm in body, he has 
declared that whereas he had made his will before a 
public clerk, that he now did revise and revises the 
said will, and he did approve and has approved it well, 
and if necessary he did authorize and has authorized it 
anew. And now, having enlarged his said will, he had 
written by his own hand a manuscript which he showed 
and presented before me the said clerk, which he said 
was written by his own hand, and signed with his name, 
that he did authorize and has authorized all that is con- 
tained in the said manuscript, before me the said clerk, 
according to and in the manner and form that is con- 
tained in said manuscript, and that all the bequests 
therein contained shall be executed, and be binding as 
his latest and final wish. And to execute his said will 

* Written Aug. 25, 1505, and executed at Valladolid, 
May 19, 1506, the day before Columbus died. The orig- 
inal text is in Navarrete's Colcccion de los Viages, . . 
Mad? id, 1825. 



WILL OF COLUMBUS 241 

which he had and has made and authorized, and all that 
IS therein contained, each and every part of it, he did 
name and has named for his executors and fulfiJIers of 
his intention Senor Don Diego Colon, his son, and Don 
Bartholomew Colon, his brother, and Juan de Porras 
treasurer of Vizcaya, that they all three shall execute 
hiswill, and all therein contained and in the said manu- 
script, and all the bequests, legacies and dispositions 
therem contained. For which purpose he said that he 
did give and has given, all the authority requisite, and 
tha he did authorize and has authorized before me the 
said clerk all that is contained in the said manuscript- 
and to those present he said that he did request and has' 
requested that they should be witnesses of it The 
witnesses who were present, summoned and requested 
to observe all that is said below, the Bachelor Andres 
Miruena and Caspar de la Misericordia, inhabitants of 
this said city of Valladolid. and Bartolome de Fresco 

and H " r"'"' '"' J"'" Despinosa. and Andrea 
and Hernando de Vargas, and Francisco Manuel and 
Fernan Martinez servants of the said Senor Admiral. 
The tenor of which said manuscript, as it was written 
with the own hand of the said Admiral, and signed with 
his name, de verba ad verhcm, is as follows: 

Y^HEN I departed from Spain in the year 
fifteen hundred and two, I had pre- 
pared an ordinance and mayora::go^ of my 
property, and in a manner which then seemed 

J This must have superseded that printed at page 83 
cnte. It IS now unknown. ^ 



242 WILL OF COLUMBUS 

to me to conform to my wish and to the ser- 
vice of the eternal God, and to my honor and 
that of my successors : which manuscript I 
left in the monastery of Cuevas in Seville, in 
the care of Frey Don Caspar,"^ with my other 
manuscripts and my privileges, and the letters 
which I possess of the King and of the Queen, 
our Sovereigns. The which ordinance I ap- 
prove and confirm by this, which I write for 
the better accomplishment and declaration of 
^ my intention. The which I direct that it be 
executed in the manner herein specified and 
contained, that which is provided for by this, 
is not to be executed by the other, for there is 
to be no repetition. 

/ appoint my dear son Don Diego to be my 
heir of all my property and offices zvJiicJi I hold 
by right and inheritance, as determined in the 
mayorazgo, and if he should have no legal 
male heir, that my son Don, Ferdinand shall 
inherit in the same manner, and if he sJiould 
have no legal male heir that Don BartJiolomeiv 

* Caspar Corricio, a close friend of Columbus. 



WILT. OF COLUMBUS 243 

my brother sJiall iiiJicrit in the same manner, 
and likewise if he should have no male heir, 
that my other brother shall inJierit ; tJins it is 
intended, from one to the other next of kin of 
my family, and this eontinually. And there 
shall be no female heir unless the males become 
extinct, and if that should happen let it be the 
female nearest of kin of my family. 

And I direct the said Don Diego, my son, 
or whoever shall inherit, that they shall neither 
think nor presume to abridge the said mayor- 
a.'^go, only to increase it and enforce it : it is 
to be understood that the income which he 
shall have, with his person and estate, shall 
be at the service of the King and Queen, our 
Sovereigns, and for the propagation of the 
Christian religion. 

The King and the Queen, our Sovereigns, 
when I presented to them the Indies — I say pre- 
sented, because it is evident that by the will of 
God, our Sovereign, I gave them, as a thing 
that was mine, I can say, because I importuned 
their royal Highnesses for them, which were un- 
known, and the way hidden from those who 



244 WILL OF COLUMBUS 

spoke concerning them, and for the voyage of 
discovery excepting to use the information 
and my person, their royal Higlmesses did not 
expenci or desire to expend for the purpose 
m.ore than a milHon of maravedis, and it was 
necessary for me to expend the rest : thus it 
pleased their royal Highnesses that I should 
have for my portion, out of the said Indies, 
islands and mainland which are to the west 
of a line that they ordered to be drawn be- 
tween the islands of the Azores, and those of 
Cape Verd, one hundred leagues, which ex- 
tends from pole to pole; that I should have 
for my portion the third and the eighth of all, 
and also the tenth of whatever is found therein, 
as is declared more fully by my said privileges 
and letters of grants. 

Because heretofore there has been no rev- 
enue received from the said Indies, so that I 
could separate therefrom the sums which I will 
mention below, and we hope that by the clem- 
ency of our sovereign it may amount to a very 
large sum; my intention would be and is, that 
Don Ferdinand, my son, should receive of it 



WILL OF COLUMBUS 245 

one million and a half each year, and Don 
Bartholomew, my brother, one hundred and 
fifty thousand maravedis, and Don Diego, my 
brother, one hundred thousand maravedis, be- 
cause he belongs to the Church. But this 
cannot be assured with certainty, because 
heretofore I have not received nor do I have 
any known income, as has already been de- 
clared. 

I say, for the further declaration of the afore- 
said, that my wish is that the said Don Diego, 
my son, shall have the said mayorazgo with 
all my property and offices, in the manner al- 
ready declared, and as I hold them. And I 
say that all the income ivhicJi he shall receive by 
reason of the said inJieritance, that he shall 
Jiave ten parts of it every year, and that one 
part of these ten he shall divide among 02ir rel- 
atives who appear to have most need of it, and 
poor persons, and in other pious works. And 
afterward from the remaining nine parts he 
shall take two and divide them into thirty-five 
parts, and of these Don Ferdinand, my son, 
shall have twenty-seven, and Don Barthol- 



246 WILL OF COLUMBUS 

omew shall have five, and Don Diego, my 
brother, three. And because, as I have already 
declared, my wish would be that Don Ferdi- 
nand, my son, should have one million and a 
half, and Don Bartholomew one hundred and 
fifty thousand maravedis, and Don Diego one 
hundred thousand; and I do not know how it 
may be assured, because heretofore the said 
income of the said inayorazgo has not been 
known nor the amount; I say that this order 
aforesaid should be followed until it shall 
please our Sovereign that the said two parts of 
the said x\\\\^ shall be sufficient and shall 
amount to such an increase that they shall 
contain the said million and a half for Don 
Ferdinand, and one hundred and fifty thousand 
for Don Bartholomew, and one hundred thous- 
and for Don Diego. And when it shall please 
God that it may be so, or that if the said two 
parts, to be understood of the nine aforesaid, 
shall amount to the sum of one million seven 
hundred and fifty thousand maravedis, that all 
the surplus should belong to Don Diego, my 
son, or whoever shall inherit; and I say and 



WILL OF COLUMBUS 247 

request of the said Don Diego, my son, or of 
whoever shall inherit, that if the income of 
this said viayorazgo shall grow largely, that 
it will please me to have the portion afore- 
said increased to Don Ferdinand and to my 
brothers. 

I say that this part which I direct to give to 
Don Ferdinand, my son, that I make of it a may- 
or azgo for him, and that to him shall succeed 
his eldest son, and in like manner from one to 
the other perpetually, without the power to sell 
or exchange or give or abuse in any way, and 
it shall be in the manner and form which was 
declared in the other viayoi'azgo which I have 
made for Don Diego, my son. 

I say to Don Diego, my son, and I direct 
that as soon as he shall have income from the 
said viayoi^azgo an inheritance sufficient to 
maintain a chapel, that he shall cause to be 
appointed three chaplains who shall say three 
masses every day — one to the honor of the Holy 
Trinity, another to the Conception of our 
Lady, and the other for the souls of all the 
faithful dead, and for viy soul and tJiat of my 



248 WILL OF COLUMBUS 

father and mother and wife. And that if his 
wealth is sufficient that he shall enrich the said 
chapel, and shall increase the supplications and 
prayers for the honor of the Holy Trinity, and 
if this can be done in the island Espaiiola 
which God gave to me miraculously, I would 
be glad to have it there where I invoked it, 
which is in the plain called of the Conception. 
I say and direct to Don Diego, my son, or to 
whoever shall inherit, that he shall pay all the 
debts which I leave here in a memorial, in the 
form therein specified, and all the others which 
justly seem to be owed by me. And I direct 
him that he shall have special care for Beatrice 
Enriquez, the mother of Don Ferdinand, my 
son, that he shall provide for her so that she 
may live comfortably, like a person should for 
whom I have so much regard. And this shall 
be done for the ease of my conscience, because 
this has weighed heavily on my soul. The 
reason therefor it is not proper to mention 
here. Done on the twenty-fifth of August in 
the year one thousand five hundred and five. 

Christo ferens. 



WILL OF COLUMBUS 249 

The witnesses who were present and who saw done and 
authorized all the above said by the said Senor Admiral, 
according to and in the manner aforesaid: the said Bachelor 
de Miruena, Caspar de la Misericordia, inhabitants of the 
said city of Valladolid, and Bartolome de Fresco and Alvar 
Perez and Juan Despinosa and Andrea and Fernando de 
Vargas and Francisco Manuel and Fernan Martinez, ser- 
vants of the said Seiior Admiral. And I, the said Pedro de 
Hinojedo, clerk and notary public aforesaid, together with 
the said witnesses, to all the aforesaid I was present. And 
therefore I put here this my notarial mark as such: in tes- 
timony of the truth— Pedro de Hinojedo, clerk. 



THE END. 



INDEX 



Aborigines, 42, 48. 53, 54. 
57, 60, 64, 69, 84, 117, 119, 
125, 155. 173. 204, 213, 
222; Description of, 44, 46, 
56, 109, 117, 124; Trade 
with, 40, 57; Religion of, 
40, 58; Kings of, 56, 54, 
123, 214, 232; Cannibals, 

47, 227; Women, 46, 48. 62, 
63, 165, 225; Abuse of, 165. 

Africa, iir, 148; Cicumnavi- 
gation of, 15, 208. 

Aguado, Juan, 162, 167. 

Alcazar, 11 1. 

Alexander, no, in, 144. 

America {see also Indies, West 
Indies, WesU'7'n Lands), 
Discovery of, 18, 23, 32, 

48, 52, 84, 106, 152; Map- 
ping of, 21; Colonies in, 
45, 155, 165, 213; Right of 
Columbus in, 75, 83, 179; 
Division of, 172; Value of , 
50, 64, 109, 147. 

South (see also Gracia, 

Trinidad, Veragua), Dis- 
covery, 115, 154; Natives, 
117, 123, 136; Exploration, 
116, 204; Paradise in, 141. 

Anam, province of, 44. 

Arabia Felix, 172. 

Arabian Gulf, 134. 

Arabs, 145. 



Arenal, point of, iig, 122. 
Arin, island of, 134. 
Aristotle, cited, 12, 137, 144. 
Aurea, Mines of, 231. 
Avenruyz, see Averrhoes. 
Averrhoes, cited, 144. 
Ayte, see Espaiiola. 
Azores, islands, 21, 65, 83, 

90, 114, 130, 134. 
Bastimentos, harbor of, 209. 
Bede, cited, 140. 
Belen, 219. 
Bobadilla, F. de, 159, 168, 

174, I So. 
Bocas, Isla de las, 223. 
Brazil, 22, 223. 
Cadiz, 34, 73, 74, 199. 
Canary Islands, 21, 30, 113, 

114, 131, 140, 199. 
Cangara, 134. ^ 
Cannibals, 47, 227. 
Carambaru, 204, 207. 
Caravels, 30, 45, 215, 212, 

225. 
Cariay, 204, 225. 
Caribee, island of, 115. 
Cartography, evidence of, 

20. 
Castile, kingdom of, 61, 66, 

68, 72, 84, 89, 103, 198. 
Cathay (China), 16, 35, 53,220. 
Catholic Church, 11, 28, 41, 

loi, 147. 



251 



252 



INDEX 



Caligara, 208. 

Cetrefrey, island of, 54. 

Ceuta, III. 

Charis, island of, 47. 

Chios, 49. 

Christian faith, spread of, 

28, 41, 49, 103, 229. 
Ciamba, province of, 204. 
Cibau, province of, 60. 
Ciguare, 205, 206, 207. 
Cipango (Japan), island of, 

84. 
Colonies, 45, 155, 165, 113. 
Columbus, Bartholomew, 
86, 8g, 91, 93,94, 102, 150, 
155, 160, 168, 201, 204, 213, 
216, 241, 242. 

Christopher — Varying 

opinions of, 11. 
Special fitness of, 16. 
Did he first discover 

America ? 18. 
Why his discovery is 

famous, 23. 
Defects of, 24. 
Letter to Ferdinand and 
Isabella (1492), 27 ; 
(1493) 67; (1498) 105; 
(1503)199. 
Gives information to 
Spanish sovereigns, 
28, 106. 
Argues a western route 
to the Indies, 28, 106. 
His theory treated with 

contempt, 107,- 152. 
Ennobled and privi- 
leged, 29, 75, 177, 224. 
Sails from Palos, 28. 
Ships of, 30, 215. 
Letter to Sanchez, 33. 
Discovers West Indies, 
34, 52, 84, 108. 



-Names islands, 35, 53. 

Explores the West In- 
dies, 35, 54. 

Describes natives, 37, 
56. 

Settles colony in Espan- 
ola, 45, 61. 

Letter to Santangel, 52. 

Natives believe him 
heaven-born, 59. 

Encounters great storm, 
66, 200. 

Vows a pilgrimage, 66. 

Plans for government of 
Espafiola, 67. 

Signature of, 72, 90. 

Privileges and rights of, 
75, 177, 224. 

Entails his property, 81. 

Complaints against, 108 
112, 151, 158, 164, 166. 

Arms of. So. 

Encouraged by Spanish 
sovereigns, 112. 

Sails on third voyage, 
112. 

Reaches Cape Verd 
Islands, 113. 

Discovers South Ameri- 
ca, 115. 

Adventures in Gulf of 
Paria, 119, 155. 

Theory of the world's 
shape, 137. 

Theory of the location 
of Paradise, 139, 209. 

Letter to Torres, 151. 

Ill-usage of, 151, 158, 
168, 180, 236. 

Divine aid to, S3, 152, 
173. 216. 

Queen Isabella sup- 
ports, 152. 



NDEX 



253 



Revolts quelled by, 155. 

Troubled by Hojeda, 

155, 156. 
Distressing position of, 

154- 
Superseded by Bobadil- 

la, 159, 180. 
Placed in chains, 168. 
House of, plundered, 

175- 
Fourth voyage of, 199. 
Sickness of, 126, 127, 

203, 216, 238. 
Poverty of, 204, 23S. 
Adventures on Central 

American coast, 209. 
Founds settlement at 

Veragua, 214. 
Reaches Jamaica, 221. 
Will of, 240. 

— Diego (son), 86, 89, 91, 
93, 96, 98, 100, 102, 104, 
167, igi, 204, 241, 242. 

— Diego (brother), 86, 89, 
93, 94, 246. 

— Ferdinand, 86, 93, 94, 98, 
157. 203, 242, 248. 

Comestor, P., cited, 140. 

Corunna, 60. 

Cosco, Leander de, 33. 

Cuba, see Jttana. 

D'Ailly, P., cited, 144. 

Dead Sea, 146. 

Deza. Fray D. de, 107. 

Dominica, 199. 

Dragon's Mouth, 139, 142, 

Egypt, 217. 

Enchanter, 225. 

Enriquez, B., 248. 

Esdras, Book of, cited, 145. 

Espanola {see also Navidad, 
Xaragtia), 37, 38, 44, 47, 
54, 60, 63, 66, 72, 81, 84, 



85, 103, 108, 113, 154, 156, 
159. i75j 200, 207, 220, 222, 
223, 22S, 233, 248; First 
settlement at, 45, 49, 61, 
64, 85, 155; Government 
of, 67; Colonists of, 45, 
155, 165; Revolts in, 155, 
156; Bobadilla seizes gov- 
ernment of, 159, 180. 

Ethiopia, 46, 139, 140, 208. 

Euphrates, 139. 

Ferdinand of Spain (ysee also 
Spain), 18, 33, 67, 75, 83, 
97, 105, 158, 199; Letters 
of, 30, 161; Letters to, 27, 
67, 105, 199. 

Fernandina, island of, 35, 53. 

Fortunate islands, 140. 

Gadibus, 34, 

Galea, cape, see Galeota. 

Galeota, cape, 116. 

Galilee, sea of, 146. 

Gallega, island of, 201. 

Gama, Vasco da, 208. 

Ganges, 139, 207. 

Genoa, 16, 88, 98, 99, 100, 
102, 197, 233. 

Gold, 14, 38, 56, 61, 68, 108, 
III, 123, 126, 154, 157, 
163, 165, 168, 173, 175, 
207, 213, 228, 230. 

Gomera, 34. 

Gracia, 119, 122, 129, 136, 
146. 

Gracias a Dios, cape, 202. 

Granada, 28, 30. 

Great Inagua, 35, 53. 

Greece, 64, 

Greeks, in, 139, 145, 171. 

Guanahani, island of, 35, 53. 

Guinea, 62, in, 131, 148. 

Haiti, see Espariola. 

Hargin, island of, 135. 



54 



INDEX 



Hispaniola, see EspaTiola. 

Hojeda, A. de, IS5, 156, 157, 
161. 

Honduras, 202. 

Indies {see also West Indies, 
Cathay, Cipango), 28, 30, 
34, 47, 52, 58, 63, 66, 77, 
79, 81, 83, 89, 100, 113, 
114, 126, 130, 136, 137, 
144, 153, 156, 165, 166, 
171, 172, 175, 179, 184, 
186, igo, 194, 197, 199, 
217, 233; Westerly route 
to, 15, 18, 29; African 
route to, 15, 18, 208; Eu- 
ropean interest in, 14, 28, 
232; Division of, 172. 

Indians, see Aborigines. 

Isabella of Spain {see also 
Spain, Castile), 18, 33, 67, 

* 75, 83, 97, 105, 153, 158, 
199; Letters of, 30, 31, 161; 
Letters to, 27, 67, 105, 199. 

Isabella, island of, 35, 53. 

Jamaica, island of, 85, 199, 
201, 222. 

Jerusalem, 99, 100, no; 
Columbus plans conquest 
of, 99. _ 

John, Prince Don, of Spain. 
28, 88, 151, 153. 

Juan, Prince, see John. 

Juana, island of, 35, 36, 37, 
38, 44, 53, 54, 56, 60, 108. 

Kooblai Khan, 28, 232. 

La Vega, 160. 

Lira, Nicolas de, cited, 144. 

Lisbon, Columbus at, 51, 66, 
166. 

Little Inagua, island of, 35, 

53- 
Madeira, island of, 112, 131. 
Mago, province of, 220. 



Mahomet, 29. 

Mairones, Francis de, cited, 

145. 
Mango, land of, 224. 
Map-makers, testimony of, 

21. 
Marchena, Fray J. Poe, 107. 
Marinus, cited, 2. 
Matenin, island of, 48. 
Mecca, 172. 
Mejorada, 172. 
Mesopotamia, 139. 
Mozica, Adrian, 156, 157. 
Monicongos, 84. 
Moors, 27, III, 153, 155. 
Navidad del Senor, settle- 
ment of, 45, 49, 61, 64. 
Nero, Caesar, no, 144. 
Nile River, no, 139, 140. 
Nina, caravel, 30, 45. 
North Caico, island of, 35, 

53. 103-4. 
North Pole, 172. 
Orinoco, 119. 
Palos, 17, 30. 

Paria, 119, 154, 155, 156, 233. 
Pearls, 123, 127, 154, 228, 

230; Gulf of, 138. 
Pedro de Aliaco, cardinal, 

cited, 144. 
Perez, Alonzo, 115. 
Persia, 139; Gulf of, 134. 
Pinta, caravel, 30, 45. 
Plato, cited, 12. 
Pliny, cited, 12, 143, 144. 
Pope of Rome, 28, 33, 172, 

225. 
Porras, J. de, 241. 
Portugal, 15, 66, in, 134, 

148, 172, 196. 
Ptolemy, 133, 135, 139, 145, 

20S. 
Puerto Gordo, 211. 



INDEX 



255 



Quibiaii, Cacique, 214, 215, 

'"233. 

Retrete, 210. 

Romans, iii, 139, 144. I7i- 

Sanchez, Raphael, Letter to, 

33- 
St. Ambrose, cited, 140, 145. 
St. Augustine, cited, 145. 
St. George, banl< of, 99, 100. 
St. Isidore, 140. 
St. John, cited, 145. 
St. Peter, 153, 154. 
San Domingo, see Espanola. 
Sandy Point, 117. 
San Lucar, 112. 
San Salvador, island of, 35, 

53- 

Santa Maria, caravel, 30,45. 

Santa Maria de la Concep- 
cion, island of, 35, 53, 103, 
104. 

Santangel, Luis de, Letter 
to, 52. 

Santiago, 85. 

Scotus, cited, 140. 

Seneca, cited, 144. 

Seras, 135. 

Serpent's Mouth, 138. 

Sierra Leone, 115, 131, 136. 

Simon El Braso, cited, 145. 

Solomon, no, 230. 

Sopora, Mount, no. 

Spain (j-^'^f also Castile), 16, 27, 
37, 44, 55, 60, 65, 83, 107, 
no, 125, 130, 144, 146, 148, 
153, 158, 163, 171, 174, 
201, 204, 222; People of, 
173, 215; Sovereigns of, 
{see also Ferdinand and Is- 
al>flla), 27, 33, 67, 75, 83, 
105, 148, 153, 158, 199, 204; 
Colonists from, 155, 165; 
Claim to America, 172. 



Strebo, cited, 12, 140. 

St. Vincent, cape, 1 1 2, 1 34, 208. 

Tangier, in. 

Taprobana, island of, no. 

Theopompus, cited, 12. 

Tigris, 139. 

Torres, Antonio de, 172. 

— Juanadela, Letter 10,151. 

Tortosa, 207. 

Trade, Eastern, 14; with na- 
tives, 40, 57. 

Trinidad, island of, 116, 119, 
121, 129, 136. 

Valencia, 116, 136. 

Venice, 207, 230. 

Veragua, 205, 207, 211, 212, 
228, 230, 232. 

Verd, cape de, islands, 83, 
90, n3, 131, 136. 

Virgil, cited, 12. 

Western lands {see also In- 
dies), Suggestions of, 12; 
Rumors of, 19. 50, 65; 
Mapping of, 21 ; Value, 19, 
22; Conditions needed for 
discovery of, 13; Pre-Co- 
lumbian findings of, 18, 20. 

West Indies (^tv also Indies), 
Discovery, 33, 52, 84, 107; 
Naming, 35, 52; Descrip- 
tion, 37, 54; Climate, 37, 
47, 55, 113. 132; Natives 
{see Aborigines); Settle- 
ments in {see Espanola); 
Gold in, 38, 56, 61, 68, 108, 
in; Size of, 60; Colonists 
of, 45, 155, 165; Govern- 
ment of, 67, 159, 180. 

World, shape of, 12, 133, 137; 
Size of, 16, 208. 

Xaragua, 157, 160. 

Yanez, Vincent, 156. 

Zacharias, cited, 145. 



